Status Quo: An Opinion

 Status quo is maintained because apparently people have vested interest in the “power game”. They are complacent with the situation as “continuity is the name of the game”. Any distraction, even if it is a trivial one, is treated with a frowning gesture and sometimes with utmost disdain. For those who are followers due to controlled political system and indoctrination through education and media, status quo is a “comfort zone”. Such followers feel irritated if someone gets them out of the comfort zone. It is because they fear uncertainty outside the status quo. Status quo persists mostly because those inside or outside the power game perceive it as fairly reasonable, logical and worth pursuing. Such perception is the product of intellectual bankruptcy.

Looking at it from this angle we may find that those who are “in” the game are merely pawns as the possibility of their being eaten up by the more powerful piece is most likely. The possibility exists as the broader spectrum of threats or risks which are ranging from personal aggrandizement to the dearth of creativity and innovation or the ability to adapt to the changing circumstances. In such case the game is mostly stagnated as the desire for continuity outshine the possibility of any progress at all.

Then there are others who are bitterest critic of the status quo. They are mostly outside the power game but they are equally well versed in the gimmick as if they were in the game. Such critics are always welcome in the power game as the more one understands the game the more chances are that one could be annihilated by the game.

The importance of the outside critics or forces against the status quo cannot be undermined. In modern times we have been witnessing big names who showed vision and resilience against the status quo. Karl Marks is one such example. However, a status quo is largely threatened by its internal stagnancy. The problem arises when a certain threshold level is reached. It may be that the power holders outnumber or that quality is being compromised. A reversal or dissatisfaction with the game is evident from this situation. The game suffers from chaos as its magnetism is weakened. But rather than doing away with the game another game is being initiated. Status quo and change move in circles. One circle gives birth to another circles and the game continues by taking different forms. It might look as if the circles are going forward or backward from a utilitarian perspective. The process is generally accepted in the name of “political stability”. That is why, in politics, we start with utopia and end in compromises.

The Song

“O bard! Sing of a collective song

We have nothing to do with the moaning for your beloved” (Faiz Ahmed Faiz)

Quite a few songs we are left with and even they are so personal, subjective and highly individual.

The song of superiority and righteousness have replaced the tenderness,

That we feel when we bow before our beloved

Or when one commits the sin

And raises the bastard child

That the mother has put on the doorway.

The righteousness relieves us of the guilt

Which so abounds in us

Have we ever stayed for a while

And thought of the very guilt that tortures us?

So sing of the guilt that we unconsciously feel

Sing of those sins which very few among us would knowingly commit.

Introduction of Culture in the Education System

The devolution of education and culture ministries to the provinces in the aftermath of 18th amendment is an opportunity not only to strengthen the federation and address the long standing structural issues within the state but it has also deeper implications for our education system which has so far aggravated the crisis of identity. An autonomous province with having the power to devise curricula in line with its cultural sensitivities would augment the efforts for educational and personal growth.

The real challenges ahead of us are not really related to the capacity of the provinces as some among us would believe. What is done has been done in a good faith and all of us must welcome it with open heart. The real challenge lies how would we translate autonomy into the genuine aspirations of the people. We would need time to ponder over what has to be done on short term and long term basis. As a starter we can begin with reforming our education sector on modern pluralistic ideals.

The current structures of the federating unit are such that not a single ethnic and linguistic group lives within each of them. All the provinces have cultural diversities and our curricula must be cognizant of these diversities. Moreover, we will have to face the language issue not simply as medium of instruction but also as a tool to empower the people and solve the issues of identity. We must also be sensitive enough to the fact that there is embedded wisdom in a culture and promotion, preservation and revival of the indigenous cultural heritage of all the cultures are triggers and catalysts for growth and development. The importance of culture as “right” of homogenous groups is specifically to be understood amid the forces of globalization, corporate sector and the legacy of religious ideology which has seriously threatened indigenous creativity.

Whatever short term measures we would take we would not be able to absolve ourselves of the labels as being prone to become careless and tending to stick to the same ad hocism through which we have be running the state for the last sixty four years. We have to think broader and plan for the future.

Education system is one of the few sectors or perhaps the single most important sector where we have to invest on emergency footing. But education is not merely to build more schools and strive for relatively comfortable and friendly environment for the children. We would need to overhaul the whole system and revise the curriculum in line with the modern and up-to-date researches especially the educational researches which are being conducted indigenously. Recent such researches are available which are eye-opener and which include such work as “Inclusive & Child Friendly Schools in Pakistan Best Practices and Challenges” by the Children Global Network Pakistan. Another important report is the “Annual Status of Education Report (Rural) ASER-Pakistan 2010” by South Asian Forum for Education Development. Yet another marvelous work about the language issue in Pakistan is done by Zubeida Mustafa with the name “Tyranny of Language in Education the Problem and its Solution”. These researches have up-to-date information and concrete recommendation to be implemented by the decision makers.

The social sector is much ahead of the public sector in Pakistan in terms of quality. We need to look for the successful models and take help from them during planning and implementation. One such endeavor in the educational sector is the pilot project the Baacha Khan Trust Educational Foundation is undertaking in its schools. Under the project culture is being introduced in the school system and children from nursery classes are trained in folkloric expression and indigenous visual arts, crafts and performing arts. This is the first ever attempt to reinvigorate the eroded indigenous culture of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and FATA through education system and to pave the way for a futuristic vision in education by providing spaces for indigenous creative expressions. The hallmark of the curriculum is introducing the concepts of knowledge based economy and industry based education to the primary and secondary classes so that the students’ orientation starts from the very beginning and long term policies for poverty alleviation are being implemented by the decision makers.

The Labyrinth of Power Politics

Just like power politics in international relations prioritizes national self interests over the interests of other countries of the world inter-party and intra-party power politics prioritize party’s politics and personal interests over other broader ideological motives. Within a party the spectrum of power politics ranges from individual’s thirst for grabbing power and lobbying to any other Machiavellian pursuits.

Significant in this regard is family politics. While some political parties appeal to great personalities who are often the founding fathers of the parties, the families of those great men most often retain the power and leadership owning to their hold on the legacy. Political legacy in such case becomes the touch stone of loyalty and those who share it are considered closest to the ideological side of the party. Sometimes, the close relatives of the powerful political families also fight for disputed legacy and hence they either overlap the activities of the party or share the power hierarchy or simply struggle for the leadership. Political legacy of the political leaders of the past is the hegemonic discourse which can be deconstructed by highlighting the aspects of appeal to authority.

The second most important aspect of power politics is the nuisance value. A party which is more conducive to nurture men of nuisance value than appreciating resourcefulness is likely to indulge in power politics and ideological compromises. Nuisance value is the ability to be too uncanny to disturb the power echelons than to prove competency that will ensure promotion of a cause. Such people of nuisance value are ardently advocated within the lobbies and welcomed into the strongholds either as a bargain to win over the political opponents or simply to strengthening the existing hierarchy of power politics. To counter nuisance value the existing power hierarchy needs to be disturbed quite often by either shifting personalities from one powerful position to another or encouraging lobbies on the principal of resourcefulness. Resourcefulness may refer to money, skills or other intellectual capabilities.

Power politics also means using the power networking. Those who use the power networking are usually outsiders who know the art of joining the power networking at the right time. And ideal situation for them is to wait till their inclusion may affect the balance of power. Such outsiders mostly include serving bureaucrats and their families who use the power networking for their vested interest very lavishly as there is always a chance that power networks with power. To give such outsiders a wide berth one has to constantly keep an eye on the balance of power and dilute the power of the outsiders by welcoming as many of them of conflicting interests as there could be.

Power politics is a weakness rather than strength. It cuts deep the ideological strings on the one hand and affecting democratic hierarchies on the other hand. A party might have different contours of power politics that the one mentioned above but it should be constantly diagnosed in order to make the ideology work and benefits extended on the principal of utilitarianism.

ايپ پاک : د پښتنو په نظر

په نني وخت کښې خارجه پالېسي د رواياتو د جغ نه د سر ويستلو په تکل کښې ده۔ په نړۍ کښې د ټيکنالوجۍ تراثر لاندې راغلي بدلونونه قامونه دې خبرې ته هڅوي چې دوۍ دې ايديالوژۍ او ملي ګټوته بيا بيا کتنه وکړي او اقتصادي پرمختګ پر لورد تخليق او ابتکارداسې کوټلې ګامونه پورته کړې چې ګاونډي هېوادونه اونوره نړۍ ورته وپسخيږي۔ له بده مرغه زمونږ سيمه دتېرو دواؤ پېړو راسې په داخلي اوخارجي سازشونواو نښتوکښې راګېره ده او زمونږ په سيمه د ترخه ګرۍ په ضد راون جنګ زمونږ د بقا جنګ جوړ شوې دې ۔

کۀ يو خوا په افغانستان کښې د جمهوريت بوټے په ورو ورو زرغونيږي نو بل خوا په پاکستان کښې دننه پوځي اسټيبلشمنټ د نړي وال فشار لاندې دې ته مجبور دے چې جمهوريت له لار ورکړي۔ تر اوسه پورې د ترخه ګرۍ په ضد روان جنګ کښې امريکاځکه د ناکامۍ سره مخ وه چې په پاکستان کښې تش په نوم جهموريت وه او اقتدار د پوځيانو په لاس کښې وه۔ د مشرف حکومت خو په ښکاره د يو ټرن U-Turnپه اصطلاح د امريکې مرسته څرګنده کړې وه ولې سياسي پوهان دې يوټرن ته ډبل يوټرنDouble U-Turn وائي ولې چې د دوئ د وينا مطابق د مشرف حکومت يو خوا د امريکې ملګرتيا کوله نو بل خوا ئې ترخه ګر ئې هم په شا ټپول۔ د فرورۍ ۲۰۰۸ انتخاب هم څۀ ډېرښۀ بدلون رانوستو ولې چې حکمران اتحاد لا تر اوسه پارليمنټ او جهموري اداروله ريښتينې خپلواکي نۀ ده تر لاسه کړې۔ په داسې وخت کښې د امريکې صدر بارک اوبامه له خوا د ايپ پاکAFPAK په نامه د ترخه ګرۍ په ضد نوې ستراتيجي مخې ته راغله۔ په ښکاره ډول امريکا دواڼه هيوادونه د جمهوري واسطو او اړيکو په بنسټ يو بل ته رانزدې کول غواړي او د ترخه ګرۍ خلاف جنګ کښې د بريالتوب هيله لري۔

په ټوله نړۍ کښې نن په دې نظريه موافقه پېدا شوې ده چې په منځنۍ پښتونخوا کښې ميشته ترخه ګر د رياست نه بهر طاقتونه Non-Sate Actors دي او داسې طاقتونو سره د وسلې ساتلواو په نړۍ کښې د ترخه ګرۍ کولو هيڅ جواز نشته۔ درياست نه بهر عناصرو يا طاقتونو لار نيول د يو ملت د خارجه پاليسۍ غټه برخه وي۔ پر ځائ د دې چې په دې بحث کښې پريوځو چې دا ترخه ګر چا پېدا کړې وو او يا د تر اوسه پر رياست ددنه دوئ ته د چا مرسته حاصله ده،ايپ پاک ستريتجي دا نظر لري چې دا ترخه ګر د افغانستان او پاکستان دواڼو دپاره خطر جوړ شوے دے او دواڼه هېوادونه دې په شريکه د دې خطر مخ نيوي ته بډي ملا اوکړي۔ د دې ستريتجۍ غوټې لا تر اوسه نۀ دې پرانستلې شوې ولې چې دا غوټې به د سياست، جغرافيې او اقتصاد Geopolitical and Geostrategic په چوکاټ کښې ژوند لرنوکي ټول ګډوال د خپلو مفاداتو په ګتو پرانځي۔ بايد چې پښتانۀ هم په دې حقله خپل ليدلور رامخکښې کړي ولې چې د ترخه ګرۍ په ضد دې جنګ کښې د ټولو نه غټ زيان پښتون يا افغان اولس ته رسي۔

په دې لړ کښې د ټولو نه مهمه خبره د ترخه ګرو په ضد مشترکه پوځي عمليات دي۔ ترخه ګر په دواڼو هېوادونو کښې د سرتېرو او ځان مرګي بريدونو يونۀ ختمېدونکې عمل پېل کړے دے چې لکبله ئې د دواڼو هېوادونود امنيت د ټينګولو ټولې هلې ځلې ناکامه شوي دي۔ هم دا وجه ده چې په ملي توګه د امنيت د ټينګولو دروايتي ستريتېجۍ په ځائې په شريکه پوځي عمليات پېل کړلے شي۔ پر ځائې د دې چې پاکستان په ډيورنډ د ازغن تار لګولوچغې سورې اوهي او افغانستان دډيورنډ کرښې د وجود نه منکر شي، د دواڼو هېوادونو پوځونه دې د ډيورنډ دواڼو خوا پوځي عملياتو کښې يو بل سره مرسته وکړي۔ کۀ يو هيواد د بل هېواد له خوا په خپله مزکه پوځي عملياتو ته په بده سترګه ګوري نو داسې هم کېدې شي چې د دواڼو هېوادونو پوځونه په منځنۍ پښتونخوا کښې شريک پوځې عمليات پېل کړي۔ منځنۍ پښتونخوا کښې د رياست عملداري په مکمله توګه ختمه شوې ده او ټوله قبائلي سيمه د ترخه ګرو په اثر لاندې ده۔ کۀ چرې داسې وشي چي پاکستان له دې خوا او افغانستان له هغې خوا خپل پوځونه منځنۍ پښتونخوا ته وړاندې کړي او دې سره سره د امريکائي عسکرو نه د ډرون او سيټيلائټ ټيکنالوجۍ مرسته هم واخلي نو داخبره يقيني ده چي په منځنۍ پښتونخوا کښې به دترخه ګرو ټولې اډې ويجاړې شي۔

دخارجه پاليسۍ دويم اړخ اقتصادي پرمختګ دے۔ تر اوسه پوري به نړۍ کښې دخارجه پاليسۍ غټ اړخونه درياست ايديالوژي او ملي ګټه بللې کېده،ولې په نړۍ کښې راتلونکي د ګلوبلائزيشن او په يو بل د انحصار رواجونو دنام و نهاد ايديالوجۍ په نوم نورو هېوادونو سره د دښمنۍ او دملي ګټو په جامه کښې د پوځي طاقت حاصلولوهڅې په شا کړي دي۔ نن د نړۍ غټ طاقتونه لکه امريکا،چين، يورپ او هندوستان دې ته مجبور دي چې داسې سياسي او ديپلوماتک اړيکې ولټوي کومې چي دوي له غټې اقتصادي ګټې په لاس ورکړي۔ په دې لړ کښې سيمه ايز او بين المللي اتحادونه جوړيږي او د تجارت اومارکيټ اسانتياوې پېدا کولې کېږي۔ افغانستان او پاکستان هم په تجارتي لاروTransit Routes لاس پورې کولې شي۔ د خيبر او د چمن لارو سره سره په مينځنۍ پښتونخوا کښې داسې ډيرې لارې شته چې افغانستان پرې سمندر ته او پاکستان پرې منځنۍ ايشيا پورې بي د څۀ ويرې او خطر تجارت کولې شي او دغسې د دواڼو هېوادنو اولس سوکاله کېدې شي۔

په يويشتمه پېړۍ کښې د خارجه پاليسۍ يو نوې اړخ اولسې اړيکېPeople to People Contacts دے۔ په ټيکنالوجۍ کښې د ترقۍ له کبله دا اړيکې نورې هم سيوا شوې دي۔ مخکښې به د هيوادونو ترمنځ خپلولۍ يا تربګنۍ دسرکاري سفارت په توګه کيدلې ولې نن د تجارت،روزګار،ميډيا، انټرنټ،ارټ او داسې نورو علمي معلوماتوپه وجه د يو هېواد خلق د بل هيواد په ملي مسئلو اوګټو کښې کار لري۔ د ويزې پاليسيو کښې نرمۍ راوستلې شي۔ پورپي يونين د دې يو غټ مثال دے چې په کښې ګډ هېوادونو د ويزې پاليسي ختمه کړې ده او يوه کرنسي چلوي۔ پاکستان او افغانستان خو په دې حقله ډېر بختور دي چې په دواڼو هيوادونو کښې داسې ډېر قامونه دي چې دډيورنډ کرښې دواڼه اړخو ته په خوارو ورو سيمو کښې خپل ژوند تيروي لکه بلوڅ، هزاره او د ډارډک نسل خلق وغيره۔ پښتون او افغان قوم په افغانستان کښې دټولو نۀ غټ قوم دے چې ابادي ئي په سلو کښې د65 نه زياته ده ۔ دغه شان پښتانۀ په پاکستان کښې په عددي توګه د پنجابيانو نه پس دويم غټ قام دے۔ د ډيورنډ دواڼه اړخو ته پراتۀ پښتانۀ د يو قوم، نسل، ژبې،کلتور او تاريخ خاوندان دي۔ د پښتنوسره دا اعزاز هم شته چې دوي د افغانستان رياست جوړ کړے او ساتلے دے۔ بايد چې پاکستان او افغانستان د جديد جمهوريت د اصولو لاندې د سفارتي اړيکو سره سره د عام اولس تر منځه رابطو له هم وده ورکړي۔

افغانستان او پاکستان په عمومي مسئلو کښې هم يو بل سره ملاتړ کولې شي۔ نن چې د بلوچو له خوا د استقلال کوم پياوړے تحريک د پاکستان سياسي او اقتصادي جوړښت کښې چاودي پېدا کړي دي، دا د قومونو د تاريخي تشخص نه انکار او د هغوي په وسائلو د ناجائز قبضې لکبله دي۔ افغانستان چرې هم فېډريشن نۀ دې پاتې شوې ولې هلته وړو قامونو ته په سرکاري توګه د ژبې او کلتور حق حاصل دې ځکه خو د پښتنو نه علاوه نور قامونه هم ځان ته په ډېر وياړ افغان وائي۔ له بده مرغه په پاکستان کښې مقتدر قوتونو د قامونو تشخص ته هميش په بده سترګه کتلې دي ۔ د دې د ټولو نه غټ مثال پښتانۀ دي۔ سره د دې چې پښتانۀ په پاکستان کښې دويم غټ قام دے،د دوي نوم نشته۔ نيم پښتانۀ په يوه بې نومه صوبه (شمالي پښتونخوا) کښې ژوند تېروي او نيم په بلوچستان (جنوبي پښتونخوا)کښې د بلوچو په نوم۔ دغه شان فاټا( مينځنۍ پښتونخوا) کښې دپښتنو نۀ څۀ تشخص شته او نۀ د دوي د پاره څۀ قانون۔ د اټک او ميانوالۍ پښتانۀ د پنجاب د نامې لاندې يو دوه غبرګه تشخص باندې مجبوره شوي دي او د کراچۍ پښتانو سره داسې ناروا سلوک روان دے کوم چې به يوه ظالمه مور هم خپلو مېره بچو سره ونکړي۔ لنډه دا چې پاکستان او افغانستان کښې ميشته قامونود مسئلو په حقله دواڼه هېوادونه ديو بل د تجرباتو نه ګټه پورته کولې شي۔

د پښتنو په نظر د ايپ پاک مقصدونه د پښتنو د مزکې نه د ترخه ګرۍ اډې ختمول او پښتنوته دهغوي په تاريخي مزکه د خپل تاريخي شناخت سره د ژوند تېرولو او په جمهوري ډول د خپلو وسايلو نه د ګټه پورته کول حق ورکول دي۔ پښتانۀ دا هم غواړي چې افغانستان دې يو پياوړې او خپلواکه رياست وي او هغه ته دې نه څوک به بده سترګه ګوري او نۀ دې په کښې د ستريتيجک ډبت نوم Strategic Depth په نامه مداخلت کوي۔ پښتانۀ د پاکستان په فيډريشن کښې دننه په يوه جغرافيه (شمالي او جنوبي پښتوخوااو ورسره سيلمه پښتنې سيمي )کښې د خپل تاريخي شناخت او په خپلو وسايلو د حق سره د ژوند ارزو لري اودغه شان په فاټا (منځنۍ پښتونخوا)کښې دهغه ځائې د پښتنو د خوښې نظام غوره کوي۔ دغه شان په پاکستان کښې هر ځائ اوسيدونکي پښتانۀ لکه د کراچۍ پښتنو له دې د هغوي جايز جمهوري او بشري حقونه ورکړې شي۔ پښتانۀ د ډيورنډ کرښه دتقسيم او نفاق غټه وجه بولي اود يو والي او ورورولۍ په لار کښې يو غټ خنډ۔

THE NOTION OF RELIGIOSITY IN PASHTUNS

The notion that Pashtuns are extremely religious is often very exaggerated
and sometimes very clandestinely used as a card to undermine their historical social
and political secular nature. A complete genealogy of the religiosity in Pasthuns can
be dated back to the Afghan war when international community with the help of
dictatorial regimes in Pakistan put the whole social order of Pashtuns into jeopardy
by restricting their cultural activities on the one hand and exposing them to the Jihad
culture on the other hand. The lines will dwell upon the concocted version of the
religiosity of Pashtuns.
Those who are aware of Pushtunwali—the Pushtuns code of conduct—will
have no problem of issuing a direct verdict on its secular nature. Both philosophically
as well as politically Pushtunwali has remained secular since time immemorial.
Pushtunwali is claimed to be neither a divine code nor those who practice it
understand it theocratically. Most of the tenants of Pushtunwali are secular, tribal
and local and can be put in sharp contrast with Islam, which is divine, culturally more
complex and universal. For hundreds of years Pushtunwali and Islam existed
harmoniously in Pushtuns’ land. The reasons for this paradoxical existence might be
that neither Islam is practiced and understood by Pushtuns in its real sense nor
Pushtunwali can be practiced in an ideal form. Thus religion remained restricted to
certain externalities like occasional prayers, fasting or performing certain rituals or
celebrating certain days. Islam never took a direct conflict with Pushtunwali as tribal
honour, bravery, revenge, hospitality and family prestige and individual freedom
were more relevant in Pushtuns society than living under dogmas, superstitions or
subduing themselves before a global Islamic theocracy.
For the past two or three decades and during the Afghan war Pashtuns
society witnessed certain transformations. This is not just an increased religiosity but
also a kind of decaying generations and a loss of cultural values. The society is in a
state of cultural anarchy. On the one hand an imposed Indian culture has polluted
Pashtuns’ cultural tastes while on the other hand an imported and imposed Arab
SAHAR December 2009 20 | Page
religiosity has disturbed the balance between the religious and secular. As a result
the society has become more religious and away from its cultural roots with less
tolerance and more abstraction.
Secular society has two interpretations: western secular society and our
traditional secular society with a touch of modernity. The former is a far-fetched
reality and is therefore out of context. In our case, the later is the harmonious
balance between Pashtunwali and Islam—the secular and the religious. This system
was indigenous to our society and its eradication is quite a recent phenomenon. I
remember the mid-80s, when Islamization had not yet taken roots I remember
people would not pray or keep beard. Women would take Naswar or Chelum and
there was no strict concept of Purda. Women would go to Meela (fairs), Urs or they
would work in the fields. Even sexual aberration was not a taboo. There was a small
Hindu community in our town and that was part of the socio-economic partnership.
What I am trying to say that the pivot of our life was worldly and not religious.
Secularism may be a developed western philosophy but it is not all together a
western product. In the western history things are formal, organized or systematic. In
societies like ours things are random, disorganized and non-systematic. Therefore,
Pashtun intelligentsia should neither be duped into the over-exaggerated religiosity
of our society nor they need to become apologetic about their secular worldview. We
are, like other human being, and it is a historical fact that human beings tend to be
become dogmatic if their freedom is snatched from them and they are bombard with
obscurantism in a systematic manner.

No Chance ANP!

The much awaited constitutional reform package is still in a doldrums as the democratic government is about to complete its two years. Both the ideologues of democratic institutionalism as well the so-called champions of democratic process have failed in their roles as the exegete of constitution and making the parliament supreme. It seems elections 2008 are adding another sorry tale to the pages of our 60 years tragedy.

The irony is that all are sailing in the same boat but all are desecrating democracy and federalism. The Supreme Court is no expectation. The army is no exception. The opposition is turning the table and the media is playing the helping hand. The government which is already a no-government is in a state of complete denial. The same story! The same characters and the same setting!

It is said that if PML (L) demand of Pukhtunkhwa-Hazara or something like that is accepted democracy would benefit. Parliament would reign supreme. The crisis of Baluchistan would be resolved. Sindh would get its due share in the water and a happy ending. The other day president Zardari made it clear that it was all because he had talked about Pukhtunkhwa and Baluchistan.

But there is the NRO. Some call it judicial activism. Some are rejoicing while others are afraid. Some God-forsaken intellectuals are again taking health from their pedantic experiences and threaten us with another coup. Come on! Who are holding your hands? Try it this time and you will see how you are felt out of it.

During Musharaf’s regime we were in a complete state of denial about the war against terror. We were calling it America’s war. Now we have somehow realized that it is our war. It is PPPP war. It is PML (N) war. The battle field is Supreme Court and the media. Army, media and Supreme Court are party to it but they themselves cannot become party. One of them will win in the end but democracy and federalism will lose.

Once it was between the Throne of Punjab vs. the Federal Government of PPPP. Punjab won that time. Now it is Nawaz vs. Zardari. It seems Pakistan is fighting no other war. It seems Pakistan has no other players. No chances for the oppressed Baluchis! No chance for parties like ANP and Pushtuns!