Just like power politics in international relations prioritizes national self interests over the interests of other countries of the world inter-party and intra-party power politics prioritize party’s politics and personal interests over other broader ideological motives. Within a party the spectrum of power politics ranges from individual’s thirst for grabbing power and lobbying to any other Machiavellian pursuits.
Significant in this regard is family politics. While some political parties appeal to great personalities who are often the founding fathers of the parties, the families of those great men most often retain the power and leadership owning to their hold on the legacy. Political legacy in such case becomes the touch stone of loyalty and those who share it are considered closest to the ideological side of the party. Sometimes, the close relatives of the powerful political families also fight for disputed legacy and hence they either overlap the activities of the party or share the power hierarchy or simply struggle for the leadership. Political legacy of the political leaders of the past is the hegemonic discourse which can be deconstructed by highlighting the aspects of appeal to authority.
The second most important aspect of power politics is the nuisance value. A party which is more conducive to nurture men of nuisance value than appreciating resourcefulness is likely to indulge in power politics and ideological compromises. Nuisance value is the ability to be too uncanny to disturb the power echelons than to prove competency that will ensure promotion of a cause. Such people of nuisance value are ardently advocated within the lobbies and welcomed into the strongholds either as a bargain to win over the political opponents or simply to strengthening the existing hierarchy of power politics. To counter nuisance value the existing power hierarchy needs to be disturbed quite often by either shifting personalities from one powerful position to another or encouraging lobbies on the principal of resourcefulness. Resourcefulness may refer to money, skills or other intellectual capabilities.
Power politics also means using the power networking. Those who use the power networking are usually outsiders who know the art of joining the power networking at the right time. And ideal situation for them is to wait till their inclusion may affect the balance of power. Such outsiders mostly include serving bureaucrats and their families who use the power networking for their vested interest very lavishly as there is always a chance that power networks with power. To give such outsiders a wide berth one has to constantly keep an eye on the balance of power and dilute the power of the outsiders by welcoming as many of them of conflicting interests as there could be.
Power politics is a weakness rather than strength. It cuts deep the ideological strings on the one hand and affecting democratic hierarchies on the other hand. A party might have different contours of power politics that the one mentioned above but it should be constantly diagnosed in order to make the ideology work and benefits extended on the principal of utilitarianism.
Wednesday, February 24, 2010
ايپ پاک : د پښتنو په نظر
په نني وخت کښې خارجه پالېسي د رواياتو د جغ نه د سر ويستلو په تکل کښې ده۔ په نړۍ کښې د ټيکنالوجۍ تراثر لاندې راغلي بدلونونه قامونه دې خبرې ته هڅوي چې دوۍ دې ايديالوژۍ او ملي ګټوته بيا بيا کتنه وکړي او اقتصادي پرمختګ پر لورد تخليق او ابتکارداسې کوټلې ګامونه پورته کړې چې ګاونډي هېوادونه اونوره نړۍ ورته وپسخيږي۔ له بده مرغه زمونږ سيمه دتېرو دواؤ پېړو راسې په داخلي اوخارجي سازشونواو نښتوکښې راګېره ده او زمونږ په سيمه د ترخه ګرۍ په ضد راون جنګ زمونږ د بقا جنګ جوړ شوې دې ۔
کۀ يو خوا په افغانستان کښې د جمهوريت بوټے په ورو ورو زرغونيږي نو بل خوا په پاکستان کښې دننه پوځي اسټيبلشمنټ د نړي وال فشار لاندې دې ته مجبور دے چې جمهوريت له لار ورکړي۔ تر اوسه پورې د ترخه ګرۍ په ضد روان جنګ کښې امريکاځکه د ناکامۍ سره مخ وه چې په پاکستان کښې تش په نوم جهموريت وه او اقتدار د پوځيانو په لاس کښې وه۔ د مشرف حکومت خو په ښکاره د يو ټرن U-Turnپه اصطلاح د امريکې مرسته څرګنده کړې وه ولې سياسي پوهان دې يوټرن ته ډبل يوټرنDouble U-Turn وائي ولې چې د دوئ د وينا مطابق د مشرف حکومت يو خوا د امريکې ملګرتيا کوله نو بل خوا ئې ترخه ګر ئې هم په شا ټپول۔ د فرورۍ ۲۰۰۸ انتخاب هم څۀ ډېرښۀ بدلون رانوستو ولې چې حکمران اتحاد لا تر اوسه پارليمنټ او جهموري اداروله ريښتينې خپلواکي نۀ ده تر لاسه کړې۔ په داسې وخت کښې د امريکې صدر بارک اوبامه له خوا د ايپ پاکAFPAK په نامه د ترخه ګرۍ په ضد نوې ستراتيجي مخې ته راغله۔ په ښکاره ډول امريکا دواڼه هيوادونه د جمهوري واسطو او اړيکو په بنسټ يو بل ته رانزدې کول غواړي او د ترخه ګرۍ خلاف جنګ کښې د بريالتوب هيله لري۔
په ټوله نړۍ کښې نن په دې نظريه موافقه پېدا شوې ده چې په منځنۍ پښتونخوا کښې ميشته ترخه ګر د رياست نه بهر طاقتونه Non-Sate Actors دي او داسې طاقتونو سره د وسلې ساتلواو په نړۍ کښې د ترخه ګرۍ کولو هيڅ جواز نشته۔ درياست نه بهر عناصرو يا طاقتونو لار نيول د يو ملت د خارجه پاليسۍ غټه برخه وي۔ پر ځائ د دې چې په دې بحث کښې پريوځو چې دا ترخه ګر چا پېدا کړې وو او يا د تر اوسه پر رياست ددنه دوئ ته د چا مرسته حاصله ده،ايپ پاک ستريتجي دا نظر لري چې دا ترخه ګر د افغانستان او پاکستان دواڼو دپاره خطر جوړ شوے دے او دواڼه هېوادونه دې په شريکه د دې خطر مخ نيوي ته بډي ملا اوکړي۔ د دې ستريتجۍ غوټې لا تر اوسه نۀ دې پرانستلې شوې ولې چې دا غوټې به د سياست، جغرافيې او اقتصاد Geopolitical and Geostrategic په چوکاټ کښې ژوند لرنوکي ټول ګډوال د خپلو مفاداتو په ګتو پرانځي۔ بايد چې پښتانۀ هم په دې حقله خپل ليدلور رامخکښې کړي ولې چې د ترخه ګرۍ په ضد دې جنګ کښې د ټولو نه غټ زيان پښتون يا افغان اولس ته رسي۔
په دې لړ کښې د ټولو نه مهمه خبره د ترخه ګرو په ضد مشترکه پوځي عمليات دي۔ ترخه ګر په دواڼو هېوادونو کښې د سرتېرو او ځان مرګي بريدونو يونۀ ختمېدونکې عمل پېل کړے دے چې لکبله ئې د دواڼو هېوادونود امنيت د ټينګولو ټولې هلې ځلې ناکامه شوي دي۔ هم دا وجه ده چې په ملي توګه د امنيت د ټينګولو دروايتي ستريتېجۍ په ځائې په شريکه پوځي عمليات پېل کړلے شي۔ پر ځائې د دې چې پاکستان په ډيورنډ د ازغن تار لګولوچغې سورې اوهي او افغانستان دډيورنډ کرښې د وجود نه منکر شي، د دواڼو هېوادونو پوځونه دې د ډيورنډ دواڼو خوا پوځي عملياتو کښې يو بل سره مرسته وکړي۔ کۀ يو هيواد د بل هېواد له خوا په خپله مزکه پوځي عملياتو ته په بده سترګه ګوري نو داسې هم کېدې شي چې د دواڼو هېوادونو پوځونه په منځنۍ پښتونخوا کښې شريک پوځې عمليات پېل کړي۔ منځنۍ پښتونخوا کښې د رياست عملداري په مکمله توګه ختمه شوې ده او ټوله قبائلي سيمه د ترخه ګرو په اثر لاندې ده۔ کۀ چرې داسې وشي چي پاکستان له دې خوا او افغانستان له هغې خوا خپل پوځونه منځنۍ پښتونخوا ته وړاندې کړي او دې سره سره د امريکائي عسکرو نه د ډرون او سيټيلائټ ټيکنالوجۍ مرسته هم واخلي نو داخبره يقيني ده چي په منځنۍ پښتونخوا کښې به دترخه ګرو ټولې اډې ويجاړې شي۔
دخارجه پاليسۍ دويم اړخ اقتصادي پرمختګ دے۔ تر اوسه پوري به نړۍ کښې دخارجه پاليسۍ غټ اړخونه درياست ايديالوژي او ملي ګټه بللې کېده،ولې په نړۍ کښې راتلونکي د ګلوبلائزيشن او په يو بل د انحصار رواجونو دنام و نهاد ايديالوجۍ په نوم نورو هېوادونو سره د دښمنۍ او دملي ګټو په جامه کښې د پوځي طاقت حاصلولوهڅې په شا کړي دي۔ نن د نړۍ غټ طاقتونه لکه امريکا،چين، يورپ او هندوستان دې ته مجبور دي چې داسې سياسي او ديپلوماتک اړيکې ولټوي کومې چي دوي له غټې اقتصادي ګټې په لاس ورکړي۔ په دې لړ کښې سيمه ايز او بين المللي اتحادونه جوړيږي او د تجارت اومارکيټ اسانتياوې پېدا کولې کېږي۔ افغانستان او پاکستان هم په تجارتي لاروTransit Routes لاس پورې کولې شي۔ د خيبر او د چمن لارو سره سره په مينځنۍ پښتونخوا کښې داسې ډيرې لارې شته چې افغانستان پرې سمندر ته او پاکستان پرې منځنۍ ايشيا پورې بي د څۀ ويرې او خطر تجارت کولې شي او دغسې د دواڼو هېوادنو اولس سوکاله کېدې شي۔
په يويشتمه پېړۍ کښې د خارجه پاليسۍ يو نوې اړخ اولسې اړيکېPeople to People Contacts دے۔ په ټيکنالوجۍ کښې د ترقۍ له کبله دا اړيکې نورې هم سيوا شوې دي۔ مخکښې به د هيوادونو ترمنځ خپلولۍ يا تربګنۍ دسرکاري سفارت په توګه کيدلې ولې نن د تجارت،روزګار،ميډيا، انټرنټ،ارټ او داسې نورو علمي معلوماتوپه وجه د يو هېواد خلق د بل هيواد په ملي مسئلو اوګټو کښې کار لري۔ د ويزې پاليسيو کښې نرمۍ راوستلې شي۔ پورپي يونين د دې يو غټ مثال دے چې په کښې ګډ هېوادونو د ويزې پاليسي ختمه کړې ده او يوه کرنسي چلوي۔ پاکستان او افغانستان خو په دې حقله ډېر بختور دي چې په دواڼو هيوادونو کښې داسې ډېر قامونه دي چې دډيورنډ کرښې دواڼه اړخو ته په خوارو ورو سيمو کښې خپل ژوند تيروي لکه بلوڅ، هزاره او د ډارډک نسل خلق وغيره۔ پښتون او افغان قوم په افغانستان کښې دټولو نۀ غټ قوم دے چې ابادي ئي په سلو کښې د65 نه زياته ده ۔ دغه شان پښتانۀ په پاکستان کښې په عددي توګه د پنجابيانو نه پس دويم غټ قام دے۔ د ډيورنډ دواڼه اړخو ته پراتۀ پښتانۀ د يو قوم، نسل، ژبې،کلتور او تاريخ خاوندان دي۔ د پښتنوسره دا اعزاز هم شته چې دوي د افغانستان رياست جوړ کړے او ساتلے دے۔ بايد چې پاکستان او افغانستان د جديد جمهوريت د اصولو لاندې د سفارتي اړيکو سره سره د عام اولس تر منځه رابطو له هم وده ورکړي۔
افغانستان او پاکستان په عمومي مسئلو کښې هم يو بل سره ملاتړ کولې شي۔ نن چې د بلوچو له خوا د استقلال کوم پياوړے تحريک د پاکستان سياسي او اقتصادي جوړښت کښې چاودي پېدا کړي دي، دا د قومونو د تاريخي تشخص نه انکار او د هغوي په وسائلو د ناجائز قبضې لکبله دي۔ افغانستان چرې هم فېډريشن نۀ دې پاتې شوې ولې هلته وړو قامونو ته په سرکاري توګه د ژبې او کلتور حق حاصل دې ځکه خو د پښتنو نه علاوه نور قامونه هم ځان ته په ډېر وياړ افغان وائي۔ له بده مرغه په پاکستان کښې مقتدر قوتونو د قامونو تشخص ته هميش په بده سترګه کتلې دي ۔ د دې د ټولو نه غټ مثال پښتانۀ دي۔ سره د دې چې پښتانۀ په پاکستان کښې دويم غټ قام دے،د دوي نوم نشته۔ نيم پښتانۀ په يوه بې نومه صوبه (شمالي پښتونخوا) کښې ژوند تېروي او نيم په بلوچستان (جنوبي پښتونخوا)کښې د بلوچو په نوم۔ دغه شان فاټا( مينځنۍ پښتونخوا) کښې دپښتنو نۀ څۀ تشخص شته او نۀ د دوي د پاره څۀ قانون۔ د اټک او ميانوالۍ پښتانۀ د پنجاب د نامې لاندې يو دوه غبرګه تشخص باندې مجبوره شوي دي او د کراچۍ پښتانو سره داسې ناروا سلوک روان دے کوم چې به يوه ظالمه مور هم خپلو مېره بچو سره ونکړي۔ لنډه دا چې پاکستان او افغانستان کښې ميشته قامونود مسئلو په حقله دواڼه هېوادونه ديو بل د تجرباتو نه ګټه پورته کولې شي۔
د پښتنو په نظر د ايپ پاک مقصدونه د پښتنو د مزکې نه د ترخه ګرۍ اډې ختمول او پښتنوته دهغوي په تاريخي مزکه د خپل تاريخي شناخت سره د ژوند تېرولو او په جمهوري ډول د خپلو وسايلو نه د ګټه پورته کول حق ورکول دي۔ پښتانۀ دا هم غواړي چې افغانستان دې يو پياوړې او خپلواکه رياست وي او هغه ته دې نه څوک به بده سترګه ګوري او نۀ دې په کښې د ستريتيجک ډبت نوم Strategic Depth په نامه مداخلت کوي۔ پښتانۀ د پاکستان په فيډريشن کښې دننه په يوه جغرافيه (شمالي او جنوبي پښتوخوااو ورسره سيلمه پښتنې سيمي )کښې د خپل تاريخي شناخت او په خپلو وسايلو د حق سره د ژوند ارزو لري اودغه شان په فاټا (منځنۍ پښتونخوا)کښې دهغه ځائې د پښتنو د خوښې نظام غوره کوي۔ دغه شان په پاکستان کښې هر ځائ اوسيدونکي پښتانۀ لکه د کراچۍ پښتنو له دې د هغوي جايز جمهوري او بشري حقونه ورکړې شي۔ پښتانۀ د ډيورنډ کرښه دتقسيم او نفاق غټه وجه بولي اود يو والي او ورورولۍ په لار کښې يو غټ خنډ۔
کۀ يو خوا په افغانستان کښې د جمهوريت بوټے په ورو ورو زرغونيږي نو بل خوا په پاکستان کښې دننه پوځي اسټيبلشمنټ د نړي وال فشار لاندې دې ته مجبور دے چې جمهوريت له لار ورکړي۔ تر اوسه پورې د ترخه ګرۍ په ضد روان جنګ کښې امريکاځکه د ناکامۍ سره مخ وه چې په پاکستان کښې تش په نوم جهموريت وه او اقتدار د پوځيانو په لاس کښې وه۔ د مشرف حکومت خو په ښکاره د يو ټرن U-Turnپه اصطلاح د امريکې مرسته څرګنده کړې وه ولې سياسي پوهان دې يوټرن ته ډبل يوټرنDouble U-Turn وائي ولې چې د دوئ د وينا مطابق د مشرف حکومت يو خوا د امريکې ملګرتيا کوله نو بل خوا ئې ترخه ګر ئې هم په شا ټپول۔ د فرورۍ ۲۰۰۸ انتخاب هم څۀ ډېرښۀ بدلون رانوستو ولې چې حکمران اتحاد لا تر اوسه پارليمنټ او جهموري اداروله ريښتينې خپلواکي نۀ ده تر لاسه کړې۔ په داسې وخت کښې د امريکې صدر بارک اوبامه له خوا د ايپ پاکAFPAK په نامه د ترخه ګرۍ په ضد نوې ستراتيجي مخې ته راغله۔ په ښکاره ډول امريکا دواڼه هيوادونه د جمهوري واسطو او اړيکو په بنسټ يو بل ته رانزدې کول غواړي او د ترخه ګرۍ خلاف جنګ کښې د بريالتوب هيله لري۔
په ټوله نړۍ کښې نن په دې نظريه موافقه پېدا شوې ده چې په منځنۍ پښتونخوا کښې ميشته ترخه ګر د رياست نه بهر طاقتونه Non-Sate Actors دي او داسې طاقتونو سره د وسلې ساتلواو په نړۍ کښې د ترخه ګرۍ کولو هيڅ جواز نشته۔ درياست نه بهر عناصرو يا طاقتونو لار نيول د يو ملت د خارجه پاليسۍ غټه برخه وي۔ پر ځائ د دې چې په دې بحث کښې پريوځو چې دا ترخه ګر چا پېدا کړې وو او يا د تر اوسه پر رياست ددنه دوئ ته د چا مرسته حاصله ده،ايپ پاک ستريتجي دا نظر لري چې دا ترخه ګر د افغانستان او پاکستان دواڼو دپاره خطر جوړ شوے دے او دواڼه هېوادونه دې په شريکه د دې خطر مخ نيوي ته بډي ملا اوکړي۔ د دې ستريتجۍ غوټې لا تر اوسه نۀ دې پرانستلې شوې ولې چې دا غوټې به د سياست، جغرافيې او اقتصاد Geopolitical and Geostrategic په چوکاټ کښې ژوند لرنوکي ټول ګډوال د خپلو مفاداتو په ګتو پرانځي۔ بايد چې پښتانۀ هم په دې حقله خپل ليدلور رامخکښې کړي ولې چې د ترخه ګرۍ په ضد دې جنګ کښې د ټولو نه غټ زيان پښتون يا افغان اولس ته رسي۔
په دې لړ کښې د ټولو نه مهمه خبره د ترخه ګرو په ضد مشترکه پوځي عمليات دي۔ ترخه ګر په دواڼو هېوادونو کښې د سرتېرو او ځان مرګي بريدونو يونۀ ختمېدونکې عمل پېل کړے دے چې لکبله ئې د دواڼو هېوادونود امنيت د ټينګولو ټولې هلې ځلې ناکامه شوي دي۔ هم دا وجه ده چې په ملي توګه د امنيت د ټينګولو دروايتي ستريتېجۍ په ځائې په شريکه پوځي عمليات پېل کړلے شي۔ پر ځائې د دې چې پاکستان په ډيورنډ د ازغن تار لګولوچغې سورې اوهي او افغانستان دډيورنډ کرښې د وجود نه منکر شي، د دواڼو هېوادونو پوځونه دې د ډيورنډ دواڼو خوا پوځي عملياتو کښې يو بل سره مرسته وکړي۔ کۀ يو هيواد د بل هېواد له خوا په خپله مزکه پوځي عملياتو ته په بده سترګه ګوري نو داسې هم کېدې شي چې د دواڼو هېوادونو پوځونه په منځنۍ پښتونخوا کښې شريک پوځې عمليات پېل کړي۔ منځنۍ پښتونخوا کښې د رياست عملداري په مکمله توګه ختمه شوې ده او ټوله قبائلي سيمه د ترخه ګرو په اثر لاندې ده۔ کۀ چرې داسې وشي چي پاکستان له دې خوا او افغانستان له هغې خوا خپل پوځونه منځنۍ پښتونخوا ته وړاندې کړي او دې سره سره د امريکائي عسکرو نه د ډرون او سيټيلائټ ټيکنالوجۍ مرسته هم واخلي نو داخبره يقيني ده چي په منځنۍ پښتونخوا کښې به دترخه ګرو ټولې اډې ويجاړې شي۔
دخارجه پاليسۍ دويم اړخ اقتصادي پرمختګ دے۔ تر اوسه پوري به نړۍ کښې دخارجه پاليسۍ غټ اړخونه درياست ايديالوژي او ملي ګټه بللې کېده،ولې په نړۍ کښې راتلونکي د ګلوبلائزيشن او په يو بل د انحصار رواجونو دنام و نهاد ايديالوجۍ په نوم نورو هېوادونو سره د دښمنۍ او دملي ګټو په جامه کښې د پوځي طاقت حاصلولوهڅې په شا کړي دي۔ نن د نړۍ غټ طاقتونه لکه امريکا،چين، يورپ او هندوستان دې ته مجبور دي چې داسې سياسي او ديپلوماتک اړيکې ولټوي کومې چي دوي له غټې اقتصادي ګټې په لاس ورکړي۔ په دې لړ کښې سيمه ايز او بين المللي اتحادونه جوړيږي او د تجارت اومارکيټ اسانتياوې پېدا کولې کېږي۔ افغانستان او پاکستان هم په تجارتي لاروTransit Routes لاس پورې کولې شي۔ د خيبر او د چمن لارو سره سره په مينځنۍ پښتونخوا کښې داسې ډيرې لارې شته چې افغانستان پرې سمندر ته او پاکستان پرې منځنۍ ايشيا پورې بي د څۀ ويرې او خطر تجارت کولې شي او دغسې د دواڼو هېوادنو اولس سوکاله کېدې شي۔
په يويشتمه پېړۍ کښې د خارجه پاليسۍ يو نوې اړخ اولسې اړيکېPeople to People Contacts دے۔ په ټيکنالوجۍ کښې د ترقۍ له کبله دا اړيکې نورې هم سيوا شوې دي۔ مخکښې به د هيوادونو ترمنځ خپلولۍ يا تربګنۍ دسرکاري سفارت په توګه کيدلې ولې نن د تجارت،روزګار،ميډيا، انټرنټ،ارټ او داسې نورو علمي معلوماتوپه وجه د يو هېواد خلق د بل هيواد په ملي مسئلو اوګټو کښې کار لري۔ د ويزې پاليسيو کښې نرمۍ راوستلې شي۔ پورپي يونين د دې يو غټ مثال دے چې په کښې ګډ هېوادونو د ويزې پاليسي ختمه کړې ده او يوه کرنسي چلوي۔ پاکستان او افغانستان خو په دې حقله ډېر بختور دي چې په دواڼو هيوادونو کښې داسې ډېر قامونه دي چې دډيورنډ کرښې دواڼه اړخو ته په خوارو ورو سيمو کښې خپل ژوند تيروي لکه بلوڅ، هزاره او د ډارډک نسل خلق وغيره۔ پښتون او افغان قوم په افغانستان کښې دټولو نۀ غټ قوم دے چې ابادي ئي په سلو کښې د65 نه زياته ده ۔ دغه شان پښتانۀ په پاکستان کښې په عددي توګه د پنجابيانو نه پس دويم غټ قام دے۔ د ډيورنډ دواڼه اړخو ته پراتۀ پښتانۀ د يو قوم، نسل، ژبې،کلتور او تاريخ خاوندان دي۔ د پښتنوسره دا اعزاز هم شته چې دوي د افغانستان رياست جوړ کړے او ساتلے دے۔ بايد چې پاکستان او افغانستان د جديد جمهوريت د اصولو لاندې د سفارتي اړيکو سره سره د عام اولس تر منځه رابطو له هم وده ورکړي۔
افغانستان او پاکستان په عمومي مسئلو کښې هم يو بل سره ملاتړ کولې شي۔ نن چې د بلوچو له خوا د استقلال کوم پياوړے تحريک د پاکستان سياسي او اقتصادي جوړښت کښې چاودي پېدا کړي دي، دا د قومونو د تاريخي تشخص نه انکار او د هغوي په وسائلو د ناجائز قبضې لکبله دي۔ افغانستان چرې هم فېډريشن نۀ دې پاتې شوې ولې هلته وړو قامونو ته په سرکاري توګه د ژبې او کلتور حق حاصل دې ځکه خو د پښتنو نه علاوه نور قامونه هم ځان ته په ډېر وياړ افغان وائي۔ له بده مرغه په پاکستان کښې مقتدر قوتونو د قامونو تشخص ته هميش په بده سترګه کتلې دي ۔ د دې د ټولو نه غټ مثال پښتانۀ دي۔ سره د دې چې پښتانۀ په پاکستان کښې دويم غټ قام دے،د دوي نوم نشته۔ نيم پښتانۀ په يوه بې نومه صوبه (شمالي پښتونخوا) کښې ژوند تېروي او نيم په بلوچستان (جنوبي پښتونخوا)کښې د بلوچو په نوم۔ دغه شان فاټا( مينځنۍ پښتونخوا) کښې دپښتنو نۀ څۀ تشخص شته او نۀ د دوي د پاره څۀ قانون۔ د اټک او ميانوالۍ پښتانۀ د پنجاب د نامې لاندې يو دوه غبرګه تشخص باندې مجبوره شوي دي او د کراچۍ پښتانو سره داسې ناروا سلوک روان دے کوم چې به يوه ظالمه مور هم خپلو مېره بچو سره ونکړي۔ لنډه دا چې پاکستان او افغانستان کښې ميشته قامونود مسئلو په حقله دواڼه هېوادونه ديو بل د تجرباتو نه ګټه پورته کولې شي۔
د پښتنو په نظر د ايپ پاک مقصدونه د پښتنو د مزکې نه د ترخه ګرۍ اډې ختمول او پښتنوته دهغوي په تاريخي مزکه د خپل تاريخي شناخت سره د ژوند تېرولو او په جمهوري ډول د خپلو وسايلو نه د ګټه پورته کول حق ورکول دي۔ پښتانۀ دا هم غواړي چې افغانستان دې يو پياوړې او خپلواکه رياست وي او هغه ته دې نه څوک به بده سترګه ګوري او نۀ دې په کښې د ستريتيجک ډبت نوم Strategic Depth په نامه مداخلت کوي۔ پښتانۀ د پاکستان په فيډريشن کښې دننه په يوه جغرافيه (شمالي او جنوبي پښتوخوااو ورسره سيلمه پښتنې سيمي )کښې د خپل تاريخي شناخت او په خپلو وسايلو د حق سره د ژوند ارزو لري اودغه شان په فاټا (منځنۍ پښتونخوا)کښې دهغه ځائې د پښتنو د خوښې نظام غوره کوي۔ دغه شان په پاکستان کښې هر ځائ اوسيدونکي پښتانۀ لکه د کراچۍ پښتنو له دې د هغوي جايز جمهوري او بشري حقونه ورکړې شي۔ پښتانۀ د ډيورنډ کرښه دتقسيم او نفاق غټه وجه بولي اود يو والي او ورورولۍ په لار کښې يو غټ خنډ۔
THE NOTION OF RELIGIOSITY IN PASHTUNS
The notion that Pashtuns are extremely religious is often very exaggerated
and sometimes very clandestinely used as a card to undermine their historical social
and political secular nature. A complete genealogy of the religiosity in Pasthuns can
be dated back to the Afghan war when international community with the help of
dictatorial regimes in Pakistan put the whole social order of Pashtuns into jeopardy
by restricting their cultural activities on the one hand and exposing them to the Jihad
culture on the other hand. The lines will dwell upon the concocted version of the
religiosity of Pashtuns.
Those who are aware of Pushtunwali—the Pushtuns code of conduct—will
have no problem of issuing a direct verdict on its secular nature. Both philosophically
as well as politically Pushtunwali has remained secular since time immemorial.
Pushtunwali is claimed to be neither a divine code nor those who practice it
understand it theocratically. Most of the tenants of Pushtunwali are secular, tribal
and local and can be put in sharp contrast with Islam, which is divine, culturally more
complex and universal. For hundreds of years Pushtunwali and Islam existed
harmoniously in Pushtuns’ land. The reasons for this paradoxical existence might be
that neither Islam is practiced and understood by Pushtuns in its real sense nor
Pushtunwali can be practiced in an ideal form. Thus religion remained restricted to
certain externalities like occasional prayers, fasting or performing certain rituals or
celebrating certain days. Islam never took a direct conflict with Pushtunwali as tribal
honour, bravery, revenge, hospitality and family prestige and individual freedom
were more relevant in Pushtuns society than living under dogmas, superstitions or
subduing themselves before a global Islamic theocracy.
For the past two or three decades and during the Afghan war Pashtuns
society witnessed certain transformations. This is not just an increased religiosity but
also a kind of decaying generations and a loss of cultural values. The society is in a
state of cultural anarchy. On the one hand an imposed Indian culture has polluted
Pashtuns’ cultural tastes while on the other hand an imported and imposed Arab
SAHAR December 2009 20 | Page
religiosity has disturbed the balance between the religious and secular. As a result
the society has become more religious and away from its cultural roots with less
tolerance and more abstraction.
Secular society has two interpretations: western secular society and our
traditional secular society with a touch of modernity. The former is a far-fetched
reality and is therefore out of context. In our case, the later is the harmonious
balance between Pashtunwali and Islam—the secular and the religious. This system
was indigenous to our society and its eradication is quite a recent phenomenon. I
remember the mid-80s, when Islamization had not yet taken roots I remember
people would not pray or keep beard. Women would take Naswar or Chelum and
there was no strict concept of Purda. Women would go to Meela (fairs), Urs or they
would work in the fields. Even sexual aberration was not a taboo. There was a small
Hindu community in our town and that was part of the socio-economic partnership.
What I am trying to say that the pivot of our life was worldly and not religious.
Secularism may be a developed western philosophy but it is not all together a
western product. In the western history things are formal, organized or systematic. In
societies like ours things are random, disorganized and non-systematic. Therefore,
Pashtun intelligentsia should neither be duped into the over-exaggerated religiosity
of our society nor they need to become apologetic about their secular worldview. We
are, like other human being, and it is a historical fact that human beings tend to be
become dogmatic if their freedom is snatched from them and they are bombard with
obscurantism in a systematic manner.
and sometimes very clandestinely used as a card to undermine their historical social
and political secular nature. A complete genealogy of the religiosity in Pasthuns can
be dated back to the Afghan war when international community with the help of
dictatorial regimes in Pakistan put the whole social order of Pashtuns into jeopardy
by restricting their cultural activities on the one hand and exposing them to the Jihad
culture on the other hand. The lines will dwell upon the concocted version of the
religiosity of Pashtuns.
Those who are aware of Pushtunwali—the Pushtuns code of conduct—will
have no problem of issuing a direct verdict on its secular nature. Both philosophically
as well as politically Pushtunwali has remained secular since time immemorial.
Pushtunwali is claimed to be neither a divine code nor those who practice it
understand it theocratically. Most of the tenants of Pushtunwali are secular, tribal
and local and can be put in sharp contrast with Islam, which is divine, culturally more
complex and universal. For hundreds of years Pushtunwali and Islam existed
harmoniously in Pushtuns’ land. The reasons for this paradoxical existence might be
that neither Islam is practiced and understood by Pushtuns in its real sense nor
Pushtunwali can be practiced in an ideal form. Thus religion remained restricted to
certain externalities like occasional prayers, fasting or performing certain rituals or
celebrating certain days. Islam never took a direct conflict with Pushtunwali as tribal
honour, bravery, revenge, hospitality and family prestige and individual freedom
were more relevant in Pushtuns society than living under dogmas, superstitions or
subduing themselves before a global Islamic theocracy.
For the past two or three decades and during the Afghan war Pashtuns
society witnessed certain transformations. This is not just an increased religiosity but
also a kind of decaying generations and a loss of cultural values. The society is in a
state of cultural anarchy. On the one hand an imposed Indian culture has polluted
Pashtuns’ cultural tastes while on the other hand an imported and imposed Arab
SAHAR December 2009 20 | Page
religiosity has disturbed the balance between the religious and secular. As a result
the society has become more religious and away from its cultural roots with less
tolerance and more abstraction.
Secular society has two interpretations: western secular society and our
traditional secular society with a touch of modernity. The former is a far-fetched
reality and is therefore out of context. In our case, the later is the harmonious
balance between Pashtunwali and Islam—the secular and the religious. This system
was indigenous to our society and its eradication is quite a recent phenomenon. I
remember the mid-80s, when Islamization had not yet taken roots I remember
people would not pray or keep beard. Women would take Naswar or Chelum and
there was no strict concept of Purda. Women would go to Meela (fairs), Urs or they
would work in the fields. Even sexual aberration was not a taboo. There was a small
Hindu community in our town and that was part of the socio-economic partnership.
What I am trying to say that the pivot of our life was worldly and not religious.
Secularism may be a developed western philosophy but it is not all together a
western product. In the western history things are formal, organized or systematic. In
societies like ours things are random, disorganized and non-systematic. Therefore,
Pashtun intelligentsia should neither be duped into the over-exaggerated religiosity
of our society nor they need to become apologetic about their secular worldview. We
are, like other human being, and it is a historical fact that human beings tend to be
become dogmatic if their freedom is snatched from them and they are bombard with
obscurantism in a systematic manner.
No Chance ANP!
The much awaited constitutional reform package is still in a doldrums as the democratic government is about to complete its two years. Both the ideologues of democratic institutionalism as well the so-called champions of democratic process have failed in their roles as the exegete of constitution and making the parliament supreme. It seems elections 2008 are adding another sorry tale to the pages of our 60 years tragedy.
The irony is that all are sailing in the same boat but all are desecrating democracy and federalism. The Supreme Court is no expectation. The army is no exception. The opposition is turning the table and the media is playing the helping hand. The government which is already a no-government is in a state of complete denial. The same story! The same characters and the same setting!
It is said that if PML (L) demand of Pukhtunkhwa-Hazara or something like that is accepted democracy would benefit. Parliament would reign supreme. The crisis of Baluchistan would be resolved. Sindh would get its due share in the water and a happy ending. The other day president Zardari made it clear that it was all because he had talked about Pukhtunkhwa and Baluchistan.
But there is the NRO. Some call it judicial activism. Some are rejoicing while others are afraid. Some God-forsaken intellectuals are again taking health from their pedantic experiences and threaten us with another coup. Come on! Who are holding your hands? Try it this time and you will see how you are felt out of it.
During Musharaf’s regime we were in a complete state of denial about the war against terror. We were calling it America’s war. Now we have somehow realized that it is our war. It is PPPP war. It is PML (N) war. The battle field is Supreme Court and the media. Army, media and Supreme Court are party to it but they themselves cannot become party. One of them will win in the end but democracy and federalism will lose.
Once it was between the Throne of Punjab vs. the Federal Government of PPPP. Punjab won that time. Now it is Nawaz vs. Zardari. It seems Pakistan is fighting no other war. It seems Pakistan has no other players. No chances for the oppressed Baluchis! No chance for parties like ANP and Pushtuns!
The irony is that all are sailing in the same boat but all are desecrating democracy and federalism. The Supreme Court is no expectation. The army is no exception. The opposition is turning the table and the media is playing the helping hand. The government which is already a no-government is in a state of complete denial. The same story! The same characters and the same setting!
It is said that if PML (L) demand of Pukhtunkhwa-Hazara or something like that is accepted democracy would benefit. Parliament would reign supreme. The crisis of Baluchistan would be resolved. Sindh would get its due share in the water and a happy ending. The other day president Zardari made it clear that it was all because he had talked about Pukhtunkhwa and Baluchistan.
But there is the NRO. Some call it judicial activism. Some are rejoicing while others are afraid. Some God-forsaken intellectuals are again taking health from their pedantic experiences and threaten us with another coup. Come on! Who are holding your hands? Try it this time and you will see how you are felt out of it.
During Musharaf’s regime we were in a complete state of denial about the war against terror. We were calling it America’s war. Now we have somehow realized that it is our war. It is PPPP war. It is PML (N) war. The battle field is Supreme Court and the media. Army, media and Supreme Court are party to it but they themselves cannot become party. One of them will win in the end but democracy and federalism will lose.
Once it was between the Throne of Punjab vs. the Federal Government of PPPP. Punjab won that time. Now it is Nawaz vs. Zardari. It seems Pakistan is fighting no other war. It seems Pakistan has no other players. No chances for the oppressed Baluchis! No chance for parties like ANP and Pushtuns!
Renaming the Province as Pukhtunkhwa
The arguments in favour of renaming the province of NWFP as Pukhtunkhwa are many. It is the oldest name of the region and bears the true identity of the majority living there known as Pukhtuns. It has in its favour a resolution of the provincial assembly of NWFP which makes it constitutionally legitimized. It has a history of political struggle dating back to the colonial days and the sacrifices of Pukhtuns. From the federation point of view the name would appease the ethnic tension among the Sindhis, Baluchis, Punjabi, Siraiki and Muhajirs as the rest of the three provinces of the country are named after ethnic majorities in the respective provinces. Morally speaking, the name would compensate some of the miseries the Pukhtun nation has been suffering from like the recent one at the hands of the terrorists.
The arguments against the renaming of the province are few. One of the biggest objections is raised by Pakistan Muslim League (N), the second largest political entity of the country after Pakistan People Party Parlimentarian and the party which enjoys the throne of Punjab, the largest populated province of the country. According to PML (N), Pukhtunkhwa would marginalize the Hindko speaking ethnic minority of Hazara living in the North-East of the province. Another objection is raised by the pro-establishment intelligentsia who are of the opinion that Pukhtunkhwa would fuel the secessionist sentiments, which they fear most since the century’s old colonial division of Afghanistan and the establishment of the Durand Line. These quarters suggest the names Abaseen (Pastu name of the River Indus) and Khyber (the tribal region which is connected through Khyber Pass with Afghanistan).
For majority of Pakistanis the renaming of the province of NWFP is not a big issue. People in Punjab, Sindh and even NWFP are more concerned about the security situation, inflation, corruption and lack of justice etc. Even Pukhtuns are not die hard supporters of the idea of renaming of the province. The Pukhtuns of Baluchistan and Pukhtunkhwa Mili Awami Party are of the view that Pushtuns of NWFP and Baluchistan should be merged into one federating unit and the unit should then be named after consensus. Even Awami National Party, the current ruling Pukhtun Nationalist dispensation in NWFP has been using the renaming issue as political card as the ruling party has so far failed to develop a broader consensus on the issue or pressurize the power centers in this regard.
Note: I am not against ANP. This is just to stir a healthey debate.
The arguments against the renaming of the province are few. One of the biggest objections is raised by Pakistan Muslim League (N), the second largest political entity of the country after Pakistan People Party Parlimentarian and the party which enjoys the throne of Punjab, the largest populated province of the country. According to PML (N), Pukhtunkhwa would marginalize the Hindko speaking ethnic minority of Hazara living in the North-East of the province. Another objection is raised by the pro-establishment intelligentsia who are of the opinion that Pukhtunkhwa would fuel the secessionist sentiments, which they fear most since the century’s old colonial division of Afghanistan and the establishment of the Durand Line. These quarters suggest the names Abaseen (Pastu name of the River Indus) and Khyber (the tribal region which is connected through Khyber Pass with Afghanistan).
For majority of Pakistanis the renaming of the province of NWFP is not a big issue. People in Punjab, Sindh and even NWFP are more concerned about the security situation, inflation, corruption and lack of justice etc. Even Pukhtuns are not die hard supporters of the idea of renaming of the province. The Pukhtuns of Baluchistan and Pukhtunkhwa Mili Awami Party are of the view that Pushtuns of NWFP and Baluchistan should be merged into one federating unit and the unit should then be named after consensus. Even Awami National Party, the current ruling Pukhtun Nationalist dispensation in NWFP has been using the renaming issue as political card as the ruling party has so far failed to develop a broader consensus on the issue or pressurize the power centers in this regard.
Note: I am not against ANP. This is just to stir a healthey debate.
The Vicious Cycle
1. Nationalists forces are looking towards the US.
2. Intelligentsia is looking towards the nationalist parties.
3. People are looking towards the intelligentsia.
4. US is looking towards Pakistan army which in turn is looking towards militants and millionaires
The cycle goes on. The cycle will disturb when large scale contradictions appear.
The traditional approach towards a “way out” is always in form of a “savior” like the Moses who freed the Israelites or the hero of modern science fiction “Matrix”. Such approach often rely on a flaw in the system—Moses was a prince who was supposed to give up his right of primogeniture for the sake of Israelites or Neo supersede the top agents of the Matrix. In both cases the predictions of Oracles come true. Is this all so simple?
No. One man, a leader, a savior or a flaw in the system cannot help the truth, the right, the just or the constructive to triumph. If such is the case then all great civilizations of the world would have passed the test of time and survived. Even in the eco-system, there would not have been any idea behind the word “extinction”. Even in nature death, degeneration, extinction or to be more scientific the “law of entropy” holds sway and always ready to make our efforts null and void. In nature there is the law of “natural selection” for the survival of a species while individuals and societies survive who are the most highly trained and physically energetic.
Personally, I don’t believe that the survival of Pashtuns is at stake. The more accurate description of Pashtuns is that they are caught in a vicious cycle of “wait and see”. Our every effort either in the form of an idea or a practical activity tends to join a stage where we have to wait and see. How this cycle is to be broken is a complex study which requires more of a Pashtun genius than a social or political scientist. Thus we must rely more on our traditional wisdom.
The cycle will collapse when large scale contradictions appear on its surface. We have to pinpoint all the contradictions and how our traditional wisdom will help us influence those contradictions in our favour?
The contradictions:
1. India: The involvement of India in the geopolitical parlay of Central Asia and its developing ties with the US are creating many contradictions. Until recently, Pakistan was US’ favourite (a client state in fact) but the Indo-US relation will seriously jeopardize US-Pak relations. For Pakistan it has deeper implications too. The way the sate structure is shaped on anti-India paraphernalia and the dual nature of Military as a strong defense against India and as a strong establishment within the country might receive some serious polarization within the sate.
2. Baluchistan: Baluchistan has surprisingly developed fissure in the state structure. Decentralization which has been previously denied to the smaller nation has become an inevitable option for the establishment vis-à-vis cries for liberation and independence.
3. Stable Afghan Government: A stable government in Afghanistan will opt for more autonomy in its foreign policy and the Durand Line card may resurface again.
4. Terrorism: The more US is caught in the quagmire of Afghanistan the better it is for the Afghan on both side of the Durand Line. Until recently Talibanization in the Pashtun belt and Pakistani sponsored insurgency in Afghanistan was a menace both for the US and Afghan but know Pashtun will benefit from the insurgency in Afghanistan though they have to bear its fall out in Pukhtunkhwa. The US will be having no option but to sit with Pashtuns and settle the issue once for all. The Pakistani establishment would possibly play the Pushtunistan card at that movement.
Policy Aternatives (Concluded)
1. ANP should categorically tell the US and international community to conclude its mission in Afghanistan and concentrate more on the reconstruction work.
2. ANP should sent a clear message to the Afghan government and the Afghan population especially the Pashtuns that ANP would never compromise on the principals laid down by the great Baacha Khan. That ANP would utilize all its effort to unite the Pashtuns, culturally, politically and geographically.
3. ANP should take a bold stance regarding the historical role of Pakistan army for its anti-Afgahn policies and its interference in the politics.
4. ANP should meticulously deal with the religious parties. After all they are Pashtuns.
5. No soft corner for Taliban or any other militant group. So far ANP's policy is good.
6. Start a healthy competition with PMAP and other Pashtuns nationalist groups and organizations. If possible work with them.
2. Intelligentsia is looking towards the nationalist parties.
3. People are looking towards the intelligentsia.
4. US is looking towards Pakistan army which in turn is looking towards militants and millionaires
The cycle goes on. The cycle will disturb when large scale contradictions appear.
The traditional approach towards a “way out” is always in form of a “savior” like the Moses who freed the Israelites or the hero of modern science fiction “Matrix”. Such approach often rely on a flaw in the system—Moses was a prince who was supposed to give up his right of primogeniture for the sake of Israelites or Neo supersede the top agents of the Matrix. In both cases the predictions of Oracles come true. Is this all so simple?
No. One man, a leader, a savior or a flaw in the system cannot help the truth, the right, the just or the constructive to triumph. If such is the case then all great civilizations of the world would have passed the test of time and survived. Even in the eco-system, there would not have been any idea behind the word “extinction”. Even in nature death, degeneration, extinction or to be more scientific the “law of entropy” holds sway and always ready to make our efforts null and void. In nature there is the law of “natural selection” for the survival of a species while individuals and societies survive who are the most highly trained and physically energetic.
Personally, I don’t believe that the survival of Pashtuns is at stake. The more accurate description of Pashtuns is that they are caught in a vicious cycle of “wait and see”. Our every effort either in the form of an idea or a practical activity tends to join a stage where we have to wait and see. How this cycle is to be broken is a complex study which requires more of a Pashtun genius than a social or political scientist. Thus we must rely more on our traditional wisdom.
The cycle will collapse when large scale contradictions appear on its surface. We have to pinpoint all the contradictions and how our traditional wisdom will help us influence those contradictions in our favour?
The contradictions:
1. India: The involvement of India in the geopolitical parlay of Central Asia and its developing ties with the US are creating many contradictions. Until recently, Pakistan was US’ favourite (a client state in fact) but the Indo-US relation will seriously jeopardize US-Pak relations. For Pakistan it has deeper implications too. The way the sate structure is shaped on anti-India paraphernalia and the dual nature of Military as a strong defense against India and as a strong establishment within the country might receive some serious polarization within the sate.
2. Baluchistan: Baluchistan has surprisingly developed fissure in the state structure. Decentralization which has been previously denied to the smaller nation has become an inevitable option for the establishment vis-à-vis cries for liberation and independence.
3. Stable Afghan Government: A stable government in Afghanistan will opt for more autonomy in its foreign policy and the Durand Line card may resurface again.
4. Terrorism: The more US is caught in the quagmire of Afghanistan the better it is for the Afghan on both side of the Durand Line. Until recently Talibanization in the Pashtun belt and Pakistani sponsored insurgency in Afghanistan was a menace both for the US and Afghan but know Pashtun will benefit from the insurgency in Afghanistan though they have to bear its fall out in Pukhtunkhwa. The US will be having no option but to sit with Pashtuns and settle the issue once for all. The Pakistani establishment would possibly play the Pushtunistan card at that movement.
Policy Aternatives (Concluded)
1. ANP should categorically tell the US and international community to conclude its mission in Afghanistan and concentrate more on the reconstruction work.
2. ANP should sent a clear message to the Afghan government and the Afghan population especially the Pashtuns that ANP would never compromise on the principals laid down by the great Baacha Khan. That ANP would utilize all its effort to unite the Pashtuns, culturally, politically and geographically.
3. ANP should take a bold stance regarding the historical role of Pakistan army for its anti-Afgahn policies and its interference in the politics.
4. ANP should meticulously deal with the religious parties. After all they are Pashtuns.
5. No soft corner for Taliban or any other militant group. So far ANP's policy is good.
6. Start a healthy competition with PMAP and other Pashtuns nationalist groups and organizations. If possible work with them.
د باران په ارمان
د نيستۍ دې خدائې بيخ وباسي سړې نۀ په ګرمۍ پوهه کړي او نۀ په يخنۍاو د پسرلي خو تپوس مۀ کوه۔ بس بارانونه مې خوښ دي کوم چې ما سره زما په نيم ګړې نيمه خوا ژوند کښې ملګرتيا کوي او بيا بيا راته وائي چې مۀ ژاړه ،ګوره ټول جهان ژاړي ، اسمان ژاړي، دغريب بلۍ او د مالدارو د بنګلو چتونه د اوښکو غټ غت سېلابونه بهوي او ته ايله بيله نيستۍ په مخه راخستې ئې۔
خو له ډېرې مودې راسې سکړه ده۔ ملا مو د استسقا نمونځ هم په خپله مشرۍ کښې وکړو او په دعا کښې ئې د کلي خلقو له د الله پاک له طرفه دوړه دپکۍ هم ورکړې خو لږ ساعت له توره ويريځ راغله او زر تېره شوه ته به وائې چې فرشتو ورله په توره تکړه کښې نمونځونه واپس راوغورځول۔ د کلي ماشومانو تورمخې په کورونو وګرزوو او ښې ډېرې پيسې ئې راغونډې کړې اود شهيد قران بابا په زيارت ئې په نورو ماشومانو او لاروو حلوه هم وخوړه خو حرام شه کۀ اسمان نن صبادشهيدانو خاطر هم کوي ۔ وړې جينکۍ لګيا دي د زړو نه څۀ په مشکله چکۍ رابيلوي چې حلوه ترې پښه کړي او په چم ګاونډ کښې ئې ويشي ۔ زمونږ د تورسرو هم لا څۀ زندګي ده ټول عمر د زړو نه چکۍ رابيلوي۔ په کورونو کښې ښځو منختۍ منلې دي (هسې زمونږ ښځې ښه بزنس کولې شي،بې له ګټې انوسټمنټ نه کوي) او د للمو خاوندان دا فکر وړي دي که مزکو مو فصل ونکړو نو راروان کال به په په پردو مزدورو پسې سر يو۔ صرف بوډاګان بې غمه په حجرو کښې پراته دي، نه د يار غم او نۀ د روزګار غم۔ چې څۀ وو هغه تېر شواو پښتنوکله دراتلونکي وخت فکر کړې دې۔
خدائې خبر چې په دې باران مونږ څومره سندرې وئېلې دي او په نيمکۍ، بدله او چاربيته کښې مو ذکر کړې دې۔ د ټپې خو هډو وايه مۀ۔ د دروغژن خبره په هره دريمه ټپه کښې باران شته۔ زۀ په دې نۀ پوهېږم چې ولې مونږ باران د خپلو جذبو د عکاسۍ د پاره خوښ کړې دې۔ ايا دا خو به نۀ وي چې مونږ ټول نيستمند يواو نيمګړې جذبې او ارمانونه لرو او يا کېدې شي زمونږ پلاران ډېر مست وو،ولې چې باران سره مستي هم تړلې ده۔ کېدې شي دا دواڼه وجې وي ولې چې مونږ پښتانه ټول شاعران يو او شاعري يا په نيمګړې جذبو کېږي او يا په ډېره مستۍ۔
خبره څۀ وه او چرته لاړه۔ سکړه ده باران نۀ کېږي او زه دا فکر وړې يم چې دا ځل مې د ژړا ملګرې هم نشته۔ په خوشالۍ کښې خو مونږ تربولولۍ پالو ولې په غم کښې داسې تربورولي
خو له ډېرې مودې راسې سکړه ده۔ ملا مو د استسقا نمونځ هم په خپله مشرۍ کښې وکړو او په دعا کښې ئې د کلي خلقو له د الله پاک له طرفه دوړه دپکۍ هم ورکړې خو لږ ساعت له توره ويريځ راغله او زر تېره شوه ته به وائې چې فرشتو ورله په توره تکړه کښې نمونځونه واپس راوغورځول۔ د کلي ماشومانو تورمخې په کورونو وګرزوو او ښې ډېرې پيسې ئې راغونډې کړې اود شهيد قران بابا په زيارت ئې په نورو ماشومانو او لاروو حلوه هم وخوړه خو حرام شه کۀ اسمان نن صبادشهيدانو خاطر هم کوي ۔ وړې جينکۍ لګيا دي د زړو نه څۀ په مشکله چکۍ رابيلوي چې حلوه ترې پښه کړي او په چم ګاونډ کښې ئې ويشي ۔ زمونږ د تورسرو هم لا څۀ زندګي ده ټول عمر د زړو نه چکۍ رابيلوي۔ په کورونو کښې ښځو منختۍ منلې دي (هسې زمونږ ښځې ښه بزنس کولې شي،بې له ګټې انوسټمنټ نه کوي) او د للمو خاوندان دا فکر وړي دي که مزکو مو فصل ونکړو نو راروان کال به په په پردو مزدورو پسې سر يو۔ صرف بوډاګان بې غمه په حجرو کښې پراته دي، نه د يار غم او نۀ د روزګار غم۔ چې څۀ وو هغه تېر شواو پښتنوکله دراتلونکي وخت فکر کړې دې۔
خدائې خبر چې په دې باران مونږ څومره سندرې وئېلې دي او په نيمکۍ، بدله او چاربيته کښې مو ذکر کړې دې۔ د ټپې خو هډو وايه مۀ۔ د دروغژن خبره په هره دريمه ټپه کښې باران شته۔ زۀ په دې نۀ پوهېږم چې ولې مونږ باران د خپلو جذبو د عکاسۍ د پاره خوښ کړې دې۔ ايا دا خو به نۀ وي چې مونږ ټول نيستمند يواو نيمګړې جذبې او ارمانونه لرو او يا کېدې شي زمونږ پلاران ډېر مست وو،ولې چې باران سره مستي هم تړلې ده۔ کېدې شي دا دواڼه وجې وي ولې چې مونږ پښتانه ټول شاعران يو او شاعري يا په نيمګړې جذبو کېږي او يا په ډېره مستۍ۔
خبره څۀ وه او چرته لاړه۔ سکړه ده باران نۀ کېږي او زه دا فکر وړې يم چې دا ځل مې د ژړا ملګرې هم نشته۔ په خوشالۍ کښې خو مونږ تربولولۍ پالو ولې په غم کښې داسې تربورولي
Tribal Museum vs. Urban Slum
Part-1
What the Daily Times editorial (1) termed as a “Tribal Museum” seems a very pathetic label when evaluated superficially and points towards an abyss of lawlessness, a “guesstimate”, a “badland”, an “ilaqa-ghair”, a land of “proxy” wars, “having a special status” and where only the draconian laws of FCR hold away. The editorial is cognizant very well of the “state-induced sectarian conflict” there and suggests remedies of introduction of Political Parties Act as an anti-dote to the so-called wave of “irredentism” in FATA. The following lines will dwell upon the quoted terminologies on the one hand and compare the “Tribal Museum” with the “Urban Slum” on the other hand.
A desirable Pashtun perspective of FATA is much debatable and it would conform with the editorial of Daily Times but it would also seek a dividing line which would also seek a solution to the problem of FATA in an indigenous way. While no sane Pashtun would support lawlessness, sectarianism, terrorism, and “ilaqa-ghair” the special status of FATA and the point of irredentism can be debated so that no confusion is left.
The very notion of irredentism embarks upon the perception that the Al-Qaeda and Taliban terrorists have almost virtually established the Islamic Emirate of Wazristan and they have been trying to extend their influence as far as Swat and other parts of Pukhtunkhwa and have the capacity to penetrate deep in to the mainland of Punjab and would have paralyzed the whole state machinery if the political government in Pakistan had not started the military operations in Swat and elsewhere. This mode of perceived irredentism is poles apart from the one which had been lingering in FATA in different shapes and which embodied itself in the Pashtunistan movement. While Pakistan silenced down the Pashtunistan movement with an iron fist and never allowed the Afghan government to take advantage of the tribal areas, the issue of terrorism using FATA to weaken the writ of the Pakistani state has never been addressed seriously and deals were made with the such actors who were not representative of the tribal Jirga and who had given sanctuaries to the foreign terrorists. Even Talibaniztion in the settled districts of Pukhtunkhwa was largely ignored and anti-terrorists local population was not backed by the government. Inside Paksistan the media and right-winged political forces and majority of the population were more concerned with the drone attacks violating the sovereignty of Pakistan than with those militants who had weakened the writ of the Pakistan state. It would be interesting to see when such offenders of the state like Muslim Khan or Sufi Muhammad will receive an open trial for high treason and sentenced or exiled like Baacha Khan, Samad Khan Achakzai and Wali Khan.
The “special status” of FATA was an unwritten understanding between some of the tribal elders and Muhammad Ali Jinah in which the later would ensure the freedom of the tribal areas which they had been enjoying during the colonial period while the former would have cordial relations with the establishment in Pakistan. The 1973 constitution has seven clauses (2) regarding FATA which recognizes the collective say of the tribal people through a Tribal Jirga and the president of Pakistan through the governor NWFP is responsible to honour the “understanding” reached between the tribal elders and Muhammad Ali Jinah. Any government is Pakistan has the responsibility to hnour this unwritten accord. Unfortunately Pakistan has used this area for proxy war inside Afghanistan and the people of these areas should demand from the international community why their land is used by the Pakistani governments and intelligence agencies to harbor international terrorists.(continued)
1. http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default...1-8-2007_pg3_1
2. http://www.pakistani.org/pakistan/co...art12.ch3.html
Part 2
(You have thrown us to the wolves." Khan Abdul Ghafar Khan)
My aim is not to eulogize wars as Pashtuns have fought many and won many. According to the Imperial Gazetteer of India the Pashtun tribes pushed back fifty-four aggressive military expeditions of the British between 1849 and 1902 excluding the Anglo-Afghan Wars. I also don’t want to alert my readers with the mention of Faqir of Epi, Haji Saib Turanzai, Mullah Powindah, Syed Akbar Akhundzada, the Hadda Mullah and Mullah Mastun etc and in no way I support any Taliban leader whether he is Baitullah Mahsood or Commander Wali Khan. What I want is a slight reference to the point that the tribal people have been giving many sacrifices for their own freedom in particular and Pashtuns in general. The militant nature of the tribal people is also debatable but in my view a people with a rough terrain and scattered population are best suited for a military struggle than a political movement of the plain, agrarian or commercial areas. The people of FATA have been bearing the brunt of the draconian FCR just for a return of freedom whose meaning is so vague in their mind but whose strength they can feel when they are face to face with any aggression either external or internal as is the case of Talibanization theses days. Waziristan is an exception where hundreds of tribal elders were ruthlessly killed before the terrorist took control and even if we compare Wazristan with Swat, the tribes don’t feel that much fear which the people of Swat still feel even after the military declared the area as “clear”. The freedom and the special status of FATA is a plus point for them amid the clashes of global and regional imperialist advances and vis-à-vis Pakistan domestic and foreign policy lines which abhor pluralism and which is engaged in crushing a so-called insurgency in Baluchistan. Pashtuns, on the other hand are an easy prey as in every nook and corner of Pukhtoonkhwa there are multitudes of Radio Mullahs who are directly or indirectly the brain children of the historical right-winged security paradigm of the state of Pakistan. It took years by the Government of Pakistan to decide to go after the militants in Swat and the result are still unwelcome.
Like a true follower of the non-violent philosophy of Baacha Khan, I hate wars, aggression, terrorism and violence in any form. But sometimes I feel doubtful what good this ideology has done for us. Most probably we have accepted the word “non-violence” in its literal sense and forgot how resistance can be adopted against oppression while remaining non-violent. What horrors the people of Swat passed through is a case study. The people of Swat were the most non-violent liberal among Pashtuns but it is very unfortunate that they didn’t resist the medieval obscurantism and barbarism of Fazlullah. The plight of the people of Swat which they have been passing through is unprecedented in the recent few hundreds years of Pashtun history. Hundreds of them were butchered like wild animals, hundreds of them became the victims of suicide bombings and in the end they lost everything, their homes, family members and their very Pashtun honor. They were too much complacent that the state would respond for its “peaceful citizens” but it was too late when the “Green Chowk” tainted with the blood of innocent men and Mingora Bazar echoed with the pathetic cries of our chits who were widely beaten by the wolves of Swat and elsewhere.
I don’t think such incidents can happen in FATA despite of a more conservative society and despite the fact that the militant commanders like Mangal Bagh are in full command there. This anti-Pashtun phenomenon of Talibanization is alien to Pashtun culture and places where Pashtun’s traditions are less intact they are more vulnerable to bigotry and obscurantism and foreigners or outsiders can take hostage of the whole population without showing their presence or direct involvement. Before the Swat operation, our so-called modern and developed settled areas of Pashtunkhwa have virtually no writ of the provincial government and we have been at the verge of a civil war or militants’ take over.
Talibanization in FATA is an obvious case study and one can trace its root since the Afghan Jehad (Fasad) and Pakistan’s direct involvement in the area without the will of the people of FATA but Talibanizaiton in the settled areas of Pashtunkhwa points towards an urban slum—the cultural slum, the land of the cunning, the dirt and filth and excretion of thousands years rotten scene.
(Continued)
Part 3
The Urban Slum:
People come and criticize the Tribal areas for the wrongs which the people of FATA have never committed. They would fill the pages of newspapers with solutions which the people of FATA have never heard of. They would boldly call it a “Tribal Museum” without caring for what abstract messages they have been conveying to the audience. What really is the point of calling FATA a “Tribal Museum”?
Have really those areas which border FATA like Peshawar, Charsadda, Kohat, Banu, Mardan or Dera Ismael Khan transformed in to modern urban centers? Have the settled areas have learned the very notions of urbanity? Have they got any social justice, the very pre-requisite for an urban society? Do the institutions in these areas are modern enough to present any successful model of social development? Do these areas have less numbers of bigots? Do they always settle their disputes in a court of justice and justice is never delayed? What level of poverty, humiliation, suppression, corruption and anarchy they are in? What distorted culture they profess and how cunning are they have ever been looked in to? Of what good the bulk of educational institutions are and what does a relatively better infrastructure contribute for the collective good of the people? Have they got ownership of their resources? Do they understand and practice their centuries old language of which they pretend to be proud of? Do any signs of a vibrant and tolerant Pashtun culture can be seen in these so-called settled areas? Can we fathom the abysmal depth of moral and cultural degradation in these settled areas where little girls are openly flogged before a crowd of savages and a big army, paramilitary forces and police cannot protect the places of worships from suicide bombers?
From a Pashtun’s perspective these so-called settled areas represent a bleak picture of civilization and cultural retrogression. The society is depoliticized at large and those on the helm of affairs are corrupt, conformists and cruel. People in these areas are living in a slum of a rotten and decaying Pashtun culture which is mostly acculturated with the concocted Pakistani-Arab identity and superficial Indian cum Western influences. The very purity, straightforwardness, wisdom and artistic taste of Pashtun is tainted with the dirt and filth of the state imposed bureaucratic and religious smudges. Does any constitutional reform would clean these Augean Stables? The answer is a big noooooooooo.
So why are we insisting upon FATA’s incorporation in to NWFP? Shouldn’t the “special status” of FATA be retained and reforms introduced in such a manner so that it will help the people of FATA to begin every institution from scratch?
What the Daily Times editorial (1) termed as a “Tribal Museum” seems a very pathetic label when evaluated superficially and points towards an abyss of lawlessness, a “guesstimate”, a “badland”, an “ilaqa-ghair”, a land of “proxy” wars, “having a special status” and where only the draconian laws of FCR hold away. The editorial is cognizant very well of the “state-induced sectarian conflict” there and suggests remedies of introduction of Political Parties Act as an anti-dote to the so-called wave of “irredentism” in FATA. The following lines will dwell upon the quoted terminologies on the one hand and compare the “Tribal Museum” with the “Urban Slum” on the other hand.
A desirable Pashtun perspective of FATA is much debatable and it would conform with the editorial of Daily Times but it would also seek a dividing line which would also seek a solution to the problem of FATA in an indigenous way. While no sane Pashtun would support lawlessness, sectarianism, terrorism, and “ilaqa-ghair” the special status of FATA and the point of irredentism can be debated so that no confusion is left.
The very notion of irredentism embarks upon the perception that the Al-Qaeda and Taliban terrorists have almost virtually established the Islamic Emirate of Wazristan and they have been trying to extend their influence as far as Swat and other parts of Pukhtunkhwa and have the capacity to penetrate deep in to the mainland of Punjab and would have paralyzed the whole state machinery if the political government in Pakistan had not started the military operations in Swat and elsewhere. This mode of perceived irredentism is poles apart from the one which had been lingering in FATA in different shapes and which embodied itself in the Pashtunistan movement. While Pakistan silenced down the Pashtunistan movement with an iron fist and never allowed the Afghan government to take advantage of the tribal areas, the issue of terrorism using FATA to weaken the writ of the Pakistani state has never been addressed seriously and deals were made with the such actors who were not representative of the tribal Jirga and who had given sanctuaries to the foreign terrorists. Even Talibaniztion in the settled districts of Pukhtunkhwa was largely ignored and anti-terrorists local population was not backed by the government. Inside Paksistan the media and right-winged political forces and majority of the population were more concerned with the drone attacks violating the sovereignty of Pakistan than with those militants who had weakened the writ of the Pakistan state. It would be interesting to see when such offenders of the state like Muslim Khan or Sufi Muhammad will receive an open trial for high treason and sentenced or exiled like Baacha Khan, Samad Khan Achakzai and Wali Khan.
The “special status” of FATA was an unwritten understanding between some of the tribal elders and Muhammad Ali Jinah in which the later would ensure the freedom of the tribal areas which they had been enjoying during the colonial period while the former would have cordial relations with the establishment in Pakistan. The 1973 constitution has seven clauses (2) regarding FATA which recognizes the collective say of the tribal people through a Tribal Jirga and the president of Pakistan through the governor NWFP is responsible to honour the “understanding” reached between the tribal elders and Muhammad Ali Jinah. Any government is Pakistan has the responsibility to hnour this unwritten accord. Unfortunately Pakistan has used this area for proxy war inside Afghanistan and the people of these areas should demand from the international community why their land is used by the Pakistani governments and intelligence agencies to harbor international terrorists.(continued)
1. http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default...1-8-2007_pg3_1
2. http://www.pakistani.org/pakistan/co...art12.ch3.html
Part 2
(You have thrown us to the wolves." Khan Abdul Ghafar Khan)
My aim is not to eulogize wars as Pashtuns have fought many and won many. According to the Imperial Gazetteer of India the Pashtun tribes pushed back fifty-four aggressive military expeditions of the British between 1849 and 1902 excluding the Anglo-Afghan Wars. I also don’t want to alert my readers with the mention of Faqir of Epi, Haji Saib Turanzai, Mullah Powindah, Syed Akbar Akhundzada, the Hadda Mullah and Mullah Mastun etc and in no way I support any Taliban leader whether he is Baitullah Mahsood or Commander Wali Khan. What I want is a slight reference to the point that the tribal people have been giving many sacrifices for their own freedom in particular and Pashtuns in general. The militant nature of the tribal people is also debatable but in my view a people with a rough terrain and scattered population are best suited for a military struggle than a political movement of the plain, agrarian or commercial areas. The people of FATA have been bearing the brunt of the draconian FCR just for a return of freedom whose meaning is so vague in their mind but whose strength they can feel when they are face to face with any aggression either external or internal as is the case of Talibanization theses days. Waziristan is an exception where hundreds of tribal elders were ruthlessly killed before the terrorist took control and even if we compare Wazristan with Swat, the tribes don’t feel that much fear which the people of Swat still feel even after the military declared the area as “clear”. The freedom and the special status of FATA is a plus point for them amid the clashes of global and regional imperialist advances and vis-à-vis Pakistan domestic and foreign policy lines which abhor pluralism and which is engaged in crushing a so-called insurgency in Baluchistan. Pashtuns, on the other hand are an easy prey as in every nook and corner of Pukhtoonkhwa there are multitudes of Radio Mullahs who are directly or indirectly the brain children of the historical right-winged security paradigm of the state of Pakistan. It took years by the Government of Pakistan to decide to go after the militants in Swat and the result are still unwelcome.
Like a true follower of the non-violent philosophy of Baacha Khan, I hate wars, aggression, terrorism and violence in any form. But sometimes I feel doubtful what good this ideology has done for us. Most probably we have accepted the word “non-violence” in its literal sense and forgot how resistance can be adopted against oppression while remaining non-violent. What horrors the people of Swat passed through is a case study. The people of Swat were the most non-violent liberal among Pashtuns but it is very unfortunate that they didn’t resist the medieval obscurantism and barbarism of Fazlullah. The plight of the people of Swat which they have been passing through is unprecedented in the recent few hundreds years of Pashtun history. Hundreds of them were butchered like wild animals, hundreds of them became the victims of suicide bombings and in the end they lost everything, their homes, family members and their very Pashtun honor. They were too much complacent that the state would respond for its “peaceful citizens” but it was too late when the “Green Chowk” tainted with the blood of innocent men and Mingora Bazar echoed with the pathetic cries of our chits who were widely beaten by the wolves of Swat and elsewhere.
I don’t think such incidents can happen in FATA despite of a more conservative society and despite the fact that the militant commanders like Mangal Bagh are in full command there. This anti-Pashtun phenomenon of Talibanization is alien to Pashtun culture and places where Pashtun’s traditions are less intact they are more vulnerable to bigotry and obscurantism and foreigners or outsiders can take hostage of the whole population without showing their presence or direct involvement. Before the Swat operation, our so-called modern and developed settled areas of Pashtunkhwa have virtually no writ of the provincial government and we have been at the verge of a civil war or militants’ take over.
Talibanization in FATA is an obvious case study and one can trace its root since the Afghan Jehad (Fasad) and Pakistan’s direct involvement in the area without the will of the people of FATA but Talibanizaiton in the settled areas of Pashtunkhwa points towards an urban slum—the cultural slum, the land of the cunning, the dirt and filth and excretion of thousands years rotten scene.
(Continued)
Part 3
The Urban Slum:
People come and criticize the Tribal areas for the wrongs which the people of FATA have never committed. They would fill the pages of newspapers with solutions which the people of FATA have never heard of. They would boldly call it a “Tribal Museum” without caring for what abstract messages they have been conveying to the audience. What really is the point of calling FATA a “Tribal Museum”?
Have really those areas which border FATA like Peshawar, Charsadda, Kohat, Banu, Mardan or Dera Ismael Khan transformed in to modern urban centers? Have the settled areas have learned the very notions of urbanity? Have they got any social justice, the very pre-requisite for an urban society? Do the institutions in these areas are modern enough to present any successful model of social development? Do these areas have less numbers of bigots? Do they always settle their disputes in a court of justice and justice is never delayed? What level of poverty, humiliation, suppression, corruption and anarchy they are in? What distorted culture they profess and how cunning are they have ever been looked in to? Of what good the bulk of educational institutions are and what does a relatively better infrastructure contribute for the collective good of the people? Have they got ownership of their resources? Do they understand and practice their centuries old language of which they pretend to be proud of? Do any signs of a vibrant and tolerant Pashtun culture can be seen in these so-called settled areas? Can we fathom the abysmal depth of moral and cultural degradation in these settled areas where little girls are openly flogged before a crowd of savages and a big army, paramilitary forces and police cannot protect the places of worships from suicide bombers?
From a Pashtun’s perspective these so-called settled areas represent a bleak picture of civilization and cultural retrogression. The society is depoliticized at large and those on the helm of affairs are corrupt, conformists and cruel. People in these areas are living in a slum of a rotten and decaying Pashtun culture which is mostly acculturated with the concocted Pakistani-Arab identity and superficial Indian cum Western influences. The very purity, straightforwardness, wisdom and artistic taste of Pashtun is tainted with the dirt and filth of the state imposed bureaucratic and religious smudges. Does any constitutional reform would clean these Augean Stables? The answer is a big noooooooooo.
So why are we insisting upon FATA’s incorporation in to NWFP? Shouldn’t the “special status” of FATA be retained and reforms introduced in such a manner so that it will help the people of FATA to begin every institution from scratch?
Anti Americanism
The Anti-Americanism in Pakistan is the hype of the Pakistani media and the right-wing security apparatus of the state. This apparently got acceptance mainly because the indoctrination process all at level has remained so far unchallenged. This is the superficial judgment of the situation. Even this superficial conclusion can easily be refuted with one example that it was the US which supported the Afghan Fasad and the Mullahs, Militants and the Military received huge amounts of money from the US for their so-called Jehad. The common people against their will remained like “dumb, driven cattle” as ever.
In the recent few years it is systematically and deliberately propagated that Anti-Americanism is one the rise. It is true absolutely true as regards the right-wingers and the centralist political forces patronized by the establishment (the Punjab, fallaciously termed as Pakistan) but it is misleading to attribute it to Pukhtoons. If people could relate Anti-Americanism with the victory of MMA in 2002 Elections, one can as well relate Pro-Americanism with the victory of ANP in 2008 Elections. But this is only part of the whole story.
The Anti-Americanism in the Pashtun belt is quite exaggerated though the Pakistani media is quite successful to perpetuate it in Punjab. The Punjabis have their own reasons to become the victim of it because the perception in Punjab is that America is supporting anti-state forces to disintegrate the country.. Inside Pukhtoonkhwa Pukhtoon intelligentsia and the secular and moderate political forces are genuinely in favor of America, Even Fazlu Rahman has sensed the “changing winds” and seems to be drifting along it. Only Jumat-e-Islami tries to demonstrate that it is anti-American though it has a long history of serving the Americans. The rest of the population doesn’t care who governs them as long as their life is secured and they receive food, shelter, justice and health. Despite all this Pakistanis had somewhat sense of nationhood and patriotism. Quite recently the situation has drastically changed because the people have lost all hopes in state institutions. The common people have no say in the affairs of the state. They have no belief in democracy. They are disinterested, silent observers of the “dramas” staged by the “hidden forces”.. In Orakazai people have already welcomed drone attacks and in Swat the situation would be no more different. Let’s see what reports come from other part of Pukhtoonkhwa but if we have to follow the precedence the news will be no more different from the one we received from Waziristan and Orakzai. Who can bear the coercive and ruthless sway?
There is another psychological aspect of the so-called Anti-Americanism in Pukhtoonkhwa. The people are envious of the Americans and their stupendous advancement. At the same time the people have long expected the Americans to help them. When they see no ray of hope they start talking against the Americans but in their heart they know the old British Masters were far more benevolent and just. This nostalgia for halcyon days is testimony to the fact that the people will welcome any outside forces if they come to redeem the Pukhtoons from the clutches of Taliban and their patrons. Will the army redeem the people and their own image?.
In the recent few years it is systematically and deliberately propagated that Anti-Americanism is one the rise. It is true absolutely true as regards the right-wingers and the centralist political forces patronized by the establishment (the Punjab, fallaciously termed as Pakistan) but it is misleading to attribute it to Pukhtoons. If people could relate Anti-Americanism with the victory of MMA in 2002 Elections, one can as well relate Pro-Americanism with the victory of ANP in 2008 Elections. But this is only part of the whole story.
The Anti-Americanism in the Pashtun belt is quite exaggerated though the Pakistani media is quite successful to perpetuate it in Punjab. The Punjabis have their own reasons to become the victim of it because the perception in Punjab is that America is supporting anti-state forces to disintegrate the country.. Inside Pukhtoonkhwa Pukhtoon intelligentsia and the secular and moderate political forces are genuinely in favor of America, Even Fazlu Rahman has sensed the “changing winds” and seems to be drifting along it. Only Jumat-e-Islami tries to demonstrate that it is anti-American though it has a long history of serving the Americans. The rest of the population doesn’t care who governs them as long as their life is secured and they receive food, shelter, justice and health. Despite all this Pakistanis had somewhat sense of nationhood and patriotism. Quite recently the situation has drastically changed because the people have lost all hopes in state institutions. The common people have no say in the affairs of the state. They have no belief in democracy. They are disinterested, silent observers of the “dramas” staged by the “hidden forces”.. In Orakazai people have already welcomed drone attacks and in Swat the situation would be no more different. Let’s see what reports come from other part of Pukhtoonkhwa but if we have to follow the precedence the news will be no more different from the one we received from Waziristan and Orakzai. Who can bear the coercive and ruthless sway?
There is another psychological aspect of the so-called Anti-Americanism in Pukhtoonkhwa. The people are envious of the Americans and their stupendous advancement. At the same time the people have long expected the Americans to help them. When they see no ray of hope they start talking against the Americans but in their heart they know the old British Masters were far more benevolent and just. This nostalgia for halcyon days is testimony to the fact that the people will welcome any outside forces if they come to redeem the Pukhtoons from the clutches of Taliban and their patrons. Will the army redeem the people and their own image?.
Media
Meida is not just a conduit of resistance but as precursor of politics of resistance in Pakistan. It gave articulation to the deviant voices which have long been submerged in to oblivion and whose annihilation has been a strong popular perception. The information revolution is leading people to the discovery how power tries to sustain itself through galvanizing and structuring the centers of powers. But as Focault has said the very power is processed through problematisation and normalisation which also include “"incitement to discourse" and which contains the opportunity for resistance. Thus using the same vocabulary and the same discourse the “deviants” or centers of resistance are galvanized and structured which help to change the perception of “truth”.
Not every bit of media can be analyzed in a short space. For convenience one can mention a few dominant deviant voices which have been articulated through the media.
1. Restoration of Chief Justice: One of the major contributions of media to construct the discourse of resistance is to support the restoration of chief justice of Pakistan after he was made dysfunctional by the then president of Pakistan General Pervez Musharaf. What actually media did initially was to give a massive coverage to the same Chief Justice who had taken oath under the PCO and provided legitimacy to the government of General Pervez Musharaf. The bottom line was to galvanize the discourse of justice as the burden of responsibility would always fall on the shoulder of the judges of the superior courts for validating “the doctrine of necessity”. The discourse of justice turned against the status quo when it started constructing the discourse of resistance through justice. The Lawyers Community who has been proactive sine the coup d'etat and the subsequent promulgation of PCO and who have been somehow silence down by the 17th amendment came to the surface. Followed by the journalist, civil society and political parties it helped overthrow a usurper and ultimately forced the civilian government to recognize and “independent Judiciary.”
It should be noted that the “perceived truth” is always unstable and unpredictable and might take a new relationship with power—power which itself is not some fixed identity but which takes the form of discourse and in turn makes the personalities who exercise this power.
2. Anti-Talibanization:
Media in Pakistan has started supporting military operations quite recently. Previously Pakistani media mostly perpetuated pro-terrorism discourse and people like General Hamid Gul, Imran Khan, Nawaz Sharif and leadership of the Jumat-e-Islami and JI were given a huge chunk of the prime time on different TV channels; and newspapers were filled with their articles and reports no matter how trivial and out of place they would sound. The popular discourse on media at that time was “dialogue”, a vague term reflecting only the apathy of the Pakistani intelligentsia and nobody bothered whether the militants were butchering the local population or forcing them to accept their medieval religious obscurantism. FATA had almost no coverage on the media and Swat was largely covered by armchair journalists who would not tire to bring the most far-fetched way of theorizing about the plight of millions of people.
This shift in media is a complex interplay of diverse factors especially the discourse of war against terror supported by the international community. A refreshing concern in Media is helping constructing indigenous discourse regarding the war against terror.
3. Democracy, pluralism and federalism:
Media has been very vocal regarding democracy and political parties. Political discussions on different TV channels are trying to deconstruct some of the established discourses and the process of restructuring of the discourses is underway.
In addition to these media is covering a diverse range of discourse from social issues to historical perspectives.
Not every bit of media can be analyzed in a short space. For convenience one can mention a few dominant deviant voices which have been articulated through the media.
1. Restoration of Chief Justice: One of the major contributions of media to construct the discourse of resistance is to support the restoration of chief justice of Pakistan after he was made dysfunctional by the then president of Pakistan General Pervez Musharaf. What actually media did initially was to give a massive coverage to the same Chief Justice who had taken oath under the PCO and provided legitimacy to the government of General Pervez Musharaf. The bottom line was to galvanize the discourse of justice as the burden of responsibility would always fall on the shoulder of the judges of the superior courts for validating “the doctrine of necessity”. The discourse of justice turned against the status quo when it started constructing the discourse of resistance through justice. The Lawyers Community who has been proactive sine the coup d'etat and the subsequent promulgation of PCO and who have been somehow silence down by the 17th amendment came to the surface. Followed by the journalist, civil society and political parties it helped overthrow a usurper and ultimately forced the civilian government to recognize and “independent Judiciary.”
It should be noted that the “perceived truth” is always unstable and unpredictable and might take a new relationship with power—power which itself is not some fixed identity but which takes the form of discourse and in turn makes the personalities who exercise this power.
2. Anti-Talibanization:
Media in Pakistan has started supporting military operations quite recently. Previously Pakistani media mostly perpetuated pro-terrorism discourse and people like General Hamid Gul, Imran Khan, Nawaz Sharif and leadership of the Jumat-e-Islami and JI were given a huge chunk of the prime time on different TV channels; and newspapers were filled with their articles and reports no matter how trivial and out of place they would sound. The popular discourse on media at that time was “dialogue”, a vague term reflecting only the apathy of the Pakistani intelligentsia and nobody bothered whether the militants were butchering the local population or forcing them to accept their medieval religious obscurantism. FATA had almost no coverage on the media and Swat was largely covered by armchair journalists who would not tire to bring the most far-fetched way of theorizing about the plight of millions of people.
This shift in media is a complex interplay of diverse factors especially the discourse of war against terror supported by the international community. A refreshing concern in Media is helping constructing indigenous discourse regarding the war against terror.
3. Democracy, pluralism and federalism:
Media has been very vocal regarding democracy and political parties. Political discussions on different TV channels are trying to deconstruct some of the established discourses and the process of restructuring of the discourses is underway.
In addition to these media is covering a diverse range of discourse from social issues to historical perspectives.
The Establishment
The “establishment” is what has been perceived so far as the “ultimate arbitrator” in the politics of Pakistan. The discourse has got acceptance over the years due to the fact that people in the civil and military bureaucracy exercised the powers so uninterruptedly that no noticeable third power center within the state system was ever perceived. But it is quite recently that people have come to realize about the instability and unpredictability of the perceived truth. It is, therefore, necessary to reevaluate the possibility of any establishment at all.
The term “establishment” carries a full range of genealogy or historical background. The role of establishment can be dated back to the colonial days of British India and its relationship with the global powers can be understood through the whole period of Cold War. The Zia era which sought absolute power for the state through the right winged political paradigm. The supposed specter of military business empire and military direct and indirect manipulation of politics also strengthened this perception. The perceived truth about the “establishment” so far is a two-fold resistance perception: The progressive one and the nationalistic one who are also to some extent progressive though they are more focused on the ethnic and historical side of the resistance. The common thing both of them share about the establishment is that civil and military institutions exercise power through religious constraints of state discourse and thus they have been marginalized from the political scene. There are many others aspects of this resistance too.
The exercise of power by civil and military bureaucracy and resistance against it is the simplistic prevalent view. The subject is much more complex and it has many powerful international and local dimensions too. For example there is a degree of truth in the view that the US has a degree of influence on the government of Paksitan. The influence of international monetary agencies on the politics of Pakistan cannot be overruled. The strategic importance of Pakistan for the global and regional powers is another factor which shapes the power structure of Pakistan. The internal dynamics like structure of the federation, constitutionalism, the role of media and political parties and much more are contributing to the networking of powers and the implied resistances.
The term “establishment” carries a full range of genealogy or historical background. The role of establishment can be dated back to the colonial days of British India and its relationship with the global powers can be understood through the whole period of Cold War. The Zia era which sought absolute power for the state through the right winged political paradigm. The supposed specter of military business empire and military direct and indirect manipulation of politics also strengthened this perception. The perceived truth about the “establishment” so far is a two-fold resistance perception: The progressive one and the nationalistic one who are also to some extent progressive though they are more focused on the ethnic and historical side of the resistance. The common thing both of them share about the establishment is that civil and military institutions exercise power through religious constraints of state discourse and thus they have been marginalized from the political scene. There are many others aspects of this resistance too.
The exercise of power by civil and military bureaucracy and resistance against it is the simplistic prevalent view. The subject is much more complex and it has many powerful international and local dimensions too. For example there is a degree of truth in the view that the US has a degree of influence on the government of Paksitan. The influence of international monetary agencies on the politics of Pakistan cannot be overruled. The strategic importance of Pakistan for the global and regional powers is another factor which shapes the power structure of Pakistan. The internal dynamics like structure of the federation, constitutionalism, the role of media and political parties and much more are contributing to the networking of powers and the implied resistances.
The Problem of FATA
The Argument:
"..., if we can't win Sovereignty or at least autonomy for ourselves,
then why do we drag others Pakhtuns permanently to this Pakistani
quagmire and are insistent on making them salves for eternity.
We know that neither greater population or higher education could help
the people of Be,"
My REPLY
A commonsense answer to this might be that our representative Pashtun
nationalist parties ANP and PMAP want sovereignty for Pakistan and
autonomy for Pashtuns by trying to clean the Augean Stables of
Pakistani politics through conformist political approach and through a
meaningless silence about the history of the historical East Afghan
Land’s merger with Pakistan. . As the people of FATA are also Pashtuns
so they fall under the same category.
If you want to unite NWFP, Pashtun areas of Baluchistan and Attock and
Mianwali within a Pakistani Federation the next step will be to unite
FATA and recognize the Durand Line once and for all provided
Afghanistan has no objections.
So ultimately the ball will be in the court of Afghanistan. If
Afghanistan claimed its lost territories a nation wide stir will be
created within Pakistan and internationally. Pashtuns in Pakistan will
reject the conformists and radical political forces will evolve.
Coming to the present scenario the merger of FATA with Northern
Pashtunkhwa is impossible legally, constitutionally and politically.
ANP is a disorganized mob led by Asfandiyar Wali Khan whose sole aim
is to save their politics (political legacy) and government. They have
a short history of raising such non-issue in order to appease Punjab
and the establishment while the truth is that the party’s
psychological influence and discipline is restricted only to a handful
of power holders and the government is extremely corrupt while
carrying a symbiotic relation with the federal government led by PPPP.
The fate of the later is also in jeopardy due to Punjabi dominated
media and establishment.
The crux of the matter is that any constitutional amendments from the
current assemblies are unacceptable. Whether it is the fate of FATA or
the problem of Baluchistan a new social contract should be emphasized
upon. An interim Constitutional Assembly should be elected under this
government whose sole aim would be to debate and prepare a new federal
constitution for Pakistan. The people of FATA should also be given
representation in the constitutional assembly and they should be given
an opportunity to debate the future of Pakistan and their own status.
--
p.s. (This is just to float an idea and should not be taken against ANP)
Muhammad Arif)
"..., if we can't win Sovereignty or at least autonomy for ourselves,
then why do we drag others Pakhtuns permanently to this Pakistani
quagmire and are insistent on making them salves for eternity.
We know that neither greater population or higher education could help
the people of Be,"
My REPLY
A commonsense answer to this might be that our representative Pashtun
nationalist parties ANP and PMAP want sovereignty for Pakistan and
autonomy for Pashtuns by trying to clean the Augean Stables of
Pakistani politics through conformist political approach and through a
meaningless silence about the history of the historical East Afghan
Land’s merger with Pakistan. . As the people of FATA are also Pashtuns
so they fall under the same category.
If you want to unite NWFP, Pashtun areas of Baluchistan and Attock and
Mianwali within a Pakistani Federation the next step will be to unite
FATA and recognize the Durand Line once and for all provided
Afghanistan has no objections.
So ultimately the ball will be in the court of Afghanistan. If
Afghanistan claimed its lost territories a nation wide stir will be
created within Pakistan and internationally. Pashtuns in Pakistan will
reject the conformists and radical political forces will evolve.
Coming to the present scenario the merger of FATA with Northern
Pashtunkhwa is impossible legally, constitutionally and politically.
ANP is a disorganized mob led by Asfandiyar Wali Khan whose sole aim
is to save their politics (political legacy) and government. They have
a short history of raising such non-issue in order to appease Punjab
and the establishment while the truth is that the party’s
psychological influence and discipline is restricted only to a handful
of power holders and the government is extremely corrupt while
carrying a symbiotic relation with the federal government led by PPPP.
The fate of the later is also in jeopardy due to Punjabi dominated
media and establishment.
The crux of the matter is that any constitutional amendments from the
current assemblies are unacceptable. Whether it is the fate of FATA or
the problem of Baluchistan a new social contract should be emphasized
upon. An interim Constitutional Assembly should be elected under this
government whose sole aim would be to debate and prepare a new federal
constitution for Pakistan. The people of FATA should also be given
representation in the constitutional assembly and they should be given
an opportunity to debate the future of Pakistan and their own status.
--
p.s. (This is just to float an idea and should not be taken against ANP)
Muhammad Arif)
Media in Pakistan
Media in Pakistan has started supporting military operations quite recently. Previously Pakistani media perpetuated pro-terrorism discourse and people like General Hamid Gul, Imran Khan, Nawaz Sharif and leadership of the Jumat-e-Islami and JI were given a huge chunk of the prime time on different TV channels; and newspapers were filled with their articles and reports no matter how trivial and out of place they would sound. The popular discourse on media at that time was “dialogue”, a vague term reflecting only the apathy of the Pakistani intelligentsia and nobody bothered whether the militants were butchering the local population or forcing them to accept their medieval religious obscurantism. FATA had almost no coverage on the media and Swat was largely covered by armchair journalists who would not tire to bring the most far-fetched way of theorizing about the plight of some six million population. Many thanks to a few leading intellectuals within and outside the media and especially Pashtun intelligentsia and diaspora, whose untiring labour brought this paradigm shift.
One of the major historical reasons of media refusal to cover popular opinion is the so-called terminology of “security risk.” Under its label NAP was denied access to media during the seventies and progressives and enlightened forces were barred during the eighties. The security risk doctrine has been the powerful tools of the power holders, elitist centralist political forces and right-wingers. These forces backed by strong military institutions, intelligence agencies and world powers helped in the formation of a media culture which abhors dissent, pluralism, individualism and democratic values. Such uninterrupted perpetuation of suppressing the fundamental rights of freedom of expression on all levels encouraged a hierarchical power structure which demanded obedience and following. Media also could not escape this vicious circle and resultantly we can see a kind of self-imposed censorship which is an extremely fatal phenomenon for the stability of any society.
In the recent few years we have been witnessing a kind of “positive activism” on the part of media while covering some issues like the restoration of Chief Justice or criticizing government institution. Media is also playing a very vibrant role in projecting the problems of the common man. But what media failed to do is to undergo transformation in its very culture whose history has long been written down by the forces of darkness and which is still very active in eating every bit of our flesh so that we are becoming all bones and marrows. This transformation should cater for freedom of expression and compensate all those who have been treated unjustly.
In one of his editorial Najam Sethi has rightly asked for unity and expressing solidarity with a newspaper whose circulation is stopped in Fata and which also receives threats within Peshawar. (1) I stand with Najm Sethi on this issue and I’ll advice all and sundry to take notice of it. Meanwhile media should also start trying compensating all those who have been previously ignored. I receive consistent feedback on face book and different internet forums that the media is not giving due coverage to Pashtun Leadership especially Mahmood Khan Achakzai and his party Pashtunkhwa Mili Awami Party. It is pertinent to mention that media should set guidelines and code of conduct for abolishing discriminatory behaviors against Pashtun nationalist parties and do justice in covering Pashtun Leadership and their party activities.
(1) http://gmcmissing.wordpress.com/2008/07/25/defending-the-media-by-najam-sethi/
One of the major historical reasons of media refusal to cover popular opinion is the so-called terminology of “security risk.” Under its label NAP was denied access to media during the seventies and progressives and enlightened forces were barred during the eighties. The security risk doctrine has been the powerful tools of the power holders, elitist centralist political forces and right-wingers. These forces backed by strong military institutions, intelligence agencies and world powers helped in the formation of a media culture which abhors dissent, pluralism, individualism and democratic values. Such uninterrupted perpetuation of suppressing the fundamental rights of freedom of expression on all levels encouraged a hierarchical power structure which demanded obedience and following. Media also could not escape this vicious circle and resultantly we can see a kind of self-imposed censorship which is an extremely fatal phenomenon for the stability of any society.
In the recent few years we have been witnessing a kind of “positive activism” on the part of media while covering some issues like the restoration of Chief Justice or criticizing government institution. Media is also playing a very vibrant role in projecting the problems of the common man. But what media failed to do is to undergo transformation in its very culture whose history has long been written down by the forces of darkness and which is still very active in eating every bit of our flesh so that we are becoming all bones and marrows. This transformation should cater for freedom of expression and compensate all those who have been treated unjustly.
In one of his editorial Najam Sethi has rightly asked for unity and expressing solidarity with a newspaper whose circulation is stopped in Fata and which also receives threats within Peshawar. (1) I stand with Najm Sethi on this issue and I’ll advice all and sundry to take notice of it. Meanwhile media should also start trying compensating all those who have been previously ignored. I receive consistent feedback on face book and different internet forums that the media is not giving due coverage to Pashtun Leadership especially Mahmood Khan Achakzai and his party Pashtunkhwa Mili Awami Party. It is pertinent to mention that media should set guidelines and code of conduct for abolishing discriminatory behaviors against Pashtun nationalist parties and do justice in covering Pashtun Leadership and their party activities.
(1) http://gmcmissing.wordpress.com/2008/07/25/defending-the-media-by-najam-sethi/
The Barbaric Colonial Legacy
The Barbaric Colonial Legacy
It is no strange that an opinion maker Zamarud Naqvi tried to malign Pashtuns by quoting a hundred years old document written by Winston Churchill, a 23-year-old journalist attached for about six weeks to the Malakand Field Force in the Swat Valley in 1897. In order to explain the current crisis in Swat Mr. Naqvi would not bother to visit an IDP camp but would rather sit in his drawing room and rely on the information provided by an imperialist journalist of the British Raj who spend only six weeks in the region and was reporting and justifying the barbarism of his army by presenting the innocent Pashtuns as wild beasts. The disgusting and treacherous views of Mr. Naqvi perpetuate the colonial mentality among Pakistanis (especially Punjabis) through Urdu press in order to seek support for the military operation in Swat.
No need to go into details what Winston Churchill thought of Pashtun as the article of Zamarud Naqvi is self explanatory by equating the freedom fighting of Pashtun against the British Imperialism and Talibanization and in turn labeling Talibanization as typical characteristic of Pashtuns’ genetic make up and the product of their social code Pashtunwali and that Pashtuns have a history of such misadventures by using the name of Islam for plunders and looting. This is on the one hand a direct racist attack on Pashtuns as a nation while on the other hand a villainous design to bring forth before the world a fallacious perception that Pashtuns’ resilience cannot be tamed through diplomacy, bargaining, reformation and political engagement but rather they should be crushed at all cost to make the world a safer place. Mr. Naqvi is trying to blur the line which separates Pashtuns from Taliban and he pushes his readers to the hazy misty history of which the colonial masters and their vassals are so proud of. Such writers in Pakistan are in abundance who would leave no stone unturned to touch even the so-called glory of Nazism in order to prove their loyalty to the power holders. This is one of the biggest problems in Pakistan which is leading it to its inevitable demise.
Coming to the real issue, such mind set in Pakistan is prevalent in the print an electronic media and even top class journalists are sometime fall prey to it. Pashtuns in the military, bureaucracy and politics of Pakistan should respond to such racist and brutal mentality which could further lead to exacerbating the already chaotic and uncertain future of the oppressed nations in the region.
It is no strange that an opinion maker Zamarud Naqvi tried to malign Pashtuns by quoting a hundred years old document written by Winston Churchill, a 23-year-old journalist attached for about six weeks to the Malakand Field Force in the Swat Valley in 1897. In order to explain the current crisis in Swat Mr. Naqvi would not bother to visit an IDP camp but would rather sit in his drawing room and rely on the information provided by an imperialist journalist of the British Raj who spend only six weeks in the region and was reporting and justifying the barbarism of his army by presenting the innocent Pashtuns as wild beasts. The disgusting and treacherous views of Mr. Naqvi perpetuate the colonial mentality among Pakistanis (especially Punjabis) through Urdu press in order to seek support for the military operation in Swat.
No need to go into details what Winston Churchill thought of Pashtun as the article of Zamarud Naqvi is self explanatory by equating the freedom fighting of Pashtun against the British Imperialism and Talibanization and in turn labeling Talibanization as typical characteristic of Pashtuns’ genetic make up and the product of their social code Pashtunwali and that Pashtuns have a history of such misadventures by using the name of Islam for plunders and looting. This is on the one hand a direct racist attack on Pashtuns as a nation while on the other hand a villainous design to bring forth before the world a fallacious perception that Pashtuns’ resilience cannot be tamed through diplomacy, bargaining, reformation and political engagement but rather they should be crushed at all cost to make the world a safer place. Mr. Naqvi is trying to blur the line which separates Pashtuns from Taliban and he pushes his readers to the hazy misty history of which the colonial masters and their vassals are so proud of. Such writers in Pakistan are in abundance who would leave no stone unturned to touch even the so-called glory of Nazism in order to prove their loyalty to the power holders. This is one of the biggest problems in Pakistan which is leading it to its inevitable demise.
Coming to the real issue, such mind set in Pakistan is prevalent in the print an electronic media and even top class journalists are sometime fall prey to it. Pashtuns in the military, bureaucracy and politics of Pakistan should respond to such racist and brutal mentality which could further lead to exacerbating the already chaotic and uncertain future of the oppressed nations in the region.
The Survival Rhetoric
The Survival Rhetoric
By
Muhammad Arif
A person in forum (seems very educated) advised the nationalist
parties to support Taliban. He wanted to support Taliban on the
pretext that the Taliban would fight Pakistani military and thus we would get
freedom. When I asked why the support of Taliban should take on
the top of our priorities he replied that it had become a survival
issue for Pakhtuns.
My reply to him
This survival rhetoric is just a loser mentality coined by Asfandiyar
Wali Khan at a time when he used to act like oracle and prophesying
militancy first in Bajwarh and secondly in Swat while doing nothing
about it save preparing himself for elections and appeasing Punjabis
by presenting his mild nationalism—the slogans changed from Khpala
Khawara khpal Ikhtiar to peace, democracy and blah, blah…(1)
Again the survival issue is totally misleading even if we take
Asfandiyar’s prophecies as truth because after the BUNER EPISODE it
has become a matter of survival for Pakistan than the Pashtuns.
Pressure from America compelled the military to start an early
operation in Swat and a visible change in the discourse of Pakistan
media can be seen. Whether the military is conducting a genuine
operation is yet to be seen but one thing is crystal clear that the
very discourse of militancy has received some crucial set backs not
even in Pashtunkhwa but in the whole country and the state of Pakistan
and establishment have no other option but to compromise with this
anti-Taliban discourse (to say the least).
Another aspect of this survival issue is the fact that not all Pashtun
areas are under the total or partial control of Taliban. Taliban
cannot take social control of Peshawar, Charsadda, Mardan, Swabi,
Nowshera, Kohat, Bannu, Dera Islamael Khan and other major cities of
Pashtunkhwa mainly because of its traditional social setup which
abhors any outside interference, submission and a challenge to their
somewhat free life style. The presences of strong political parties
and social institutionalization including extended families and
villages have already made it impossible for Taliban to penetrate into
the very social fabrics. These are plain areas where even a needle
cannot hide itself.
Fourth dimension of this survival issue is that only Pashtuns of
Northern and Central Pakhtunkhwa are facing the threat of
Talibanization for some very oblivious reasons (a history of militancy
and Talibanization since Afghan FASAD) and this threat cannot be felt
with intensity in Southern Pakhtunkhwa.
Fifthly, while talking about the survival issue we ignore the hundreds
of thousands Pashtuns in Karachi and elsewhere in Pakistan.
Finally the very threat of Talibanization in Northern Pakhtunkhwa is
compensating Afghanistan in the form of peace and political stability.
Thus the survival issue is basically a NON-ISSUE.
(1) I am not against Asfandiyar Wali Khan. This is just to float an idea and should not be taken as something against ANP or Asfandiyar Wali Khan. Manana
http://www.airra.org/analysis/TheSurvivalRhetoric.html
By
Muhammad Arif
A person in forum (seems very educated) advised the nationalist
parties to support Taliban. He wanted to support Taliban on the
pretext that the Taliban would fight Pakistani military and thus we would get
freedom. When I asked why the support of Taliban should take on
the top of our priorities he replied that it had become a survival
issue for Pakhtuns.
My reply to him
This survival rhetoric is just a loser mentality coined by Asfandiyar
Wali Khan at a time when he used to act like oracle and prophesying
militancy first in Bajwarh and secondly in Swat while doing nothing
about it save preparing himself for elections and appeasing Punjabis
by presenting his mild nationalism—the slogans changed from Khpala
Khawara khpal Ikhtiar to peace, democracy and blah, blah…(1)
Again the survival issue is totally misleading even if we take
Asfandiyar’s prophecies as truth because after the BUNER EPISODE it
has become a matter of survival for Pakistan than the Pashtuns.
Pressure from America compelled the military to start an early
operation in Swat and a visible change in the discourse of Pakistan
media can be seen. Whether the military is conducting a genuine
operation is yet to be seen but one thing is crystal clear that the
very discourse of militancy has received some crucial set backs not
even in Pashtunkhwa but in the whole country and the state of Pakistan
and establishment have no other option but to compromise with this
anti-Taliban discourse (to say the least).
Another aspect of this survival issue is the fact that not all Pashtun
areas are under the total or partial control of Taliban. Taliban
cannot take social control of Peshawar, Charsadda, Mardan, Swabi,
Nowshera, Kohat, Bannu, Dera Islamael Khan and other major cities of
Pashtunkhwa mainly because of its traditional social setup which
abhors any outside interference, submission and a challenge to their
somewhat free life style. The presences of strong political parties
and social institutionalization including extended families and
villages have already made it impossible for Taliban to penetrate into
the very social fabrics. These are plain areas where even a needle
cannot hide itself.
Fourth dimension of this survival issue is that only Pashtuns of
Northern and Central Pakhtunkhwa are facing the threat of
Talibanization for some very oblivious reasons (a history of militancy
and Talibanization since Afghan FASAD) and this threat cannot be felt
with intensity in Southern Pakhtunkhwa.
Fifthly, while talking about the survival issue we ignore the hundreds
of thousands Pashtuns in Karachi and elsewhere in Pakistan.
Finally the very threat of Talibanization in Northern Pakhtunkhwa is
compensating Afghanistan in the form of peace and political stability.
Thus the survival issue is basically a NON-ISSUE.
(1) I am not against Asfandiyar Wali Khan. This is just to float an idea and should not be taken as something against ANP or Asfandiyar Wali Khan. Manana
http://www.airra.org/analysis/TheSurvivalRhetoric.html
Whenever people talk about the west two ideas come into mind:
1. That west has an identity or certain fixed characteristics, deriving strength from the constituent characteristics and posing a threat to other identities by utilizing the same strength.
2. That west is a descriptive umbrella term combining everything modern in the strictest philosophical sense.
My concept of the west is closer to the second one. I am not presenting something of a Queer theory nor do I have the capability to have such an emotive endeavor. What I am trying to offer here is that the west is “west” because of its academic excellence. It is the power of ideas which make everything possible. A resistant political model or the supposed conflict associated with it might have some gains in the ends but it has no justification whatsoever to negate west in abstract philosophical sense. Hence I may be a part of the west though living thousands of miles away and another living in the heart of it might feel alienated.
“Eastern philosophy has been in some ways profounder than western philosophy for much of the past, but in the last two hundred years the balance has been redressed”.
Bryan Magee
According to Bryan it was Marxixm which truly influenced the eastern thought and it was the greatest influence of west on east. I was reading pakhtoonmagazine issue for this month and I was not astonished to find out two articles especially the one titled “Badledoonke narhai ao adab” which see modernism purely from Marxian perspectives. Mostly our first rate intellectuals are unaware of the philosophical developments of the 20th century and that is how their worldview is so limited and their perspectives so redundant. For a society to evolve, it needs intellectuals who are well aware of the complexity of thoughts in the contemporary world. Even political struggle need this necessary understanding behind an ideology.
In modern world no signal ideal can have the desired strength to make a collective impact not only in terms of the validity of the truth which it claims to be inherent to the ideal under discussion but also in terms of the impacts it would likely to create when put to experiments. Thus if nationalism needs a touch of “revisionism” it should be welcomed. Similarly, we have to apply every modern tool to further our ideological struggle.
Despite of its apparent hatred for Nazism, the modern western world (or perhaps the whole world in the quest for power) has been (somehow) reshaped on Nietzsche’s philosophy. His philosophy can be summarized in three lines that Shakespeare puts into the mouth of Richard 111.
Conscience is but a word that coward use
Devised at first to keep the strong in awe
Our strong arms be our conscience, swords our law!
The philosophical elements in Marxism are mainly derived from Hegel. They can be summarized as:
1. Reality is a historical process
2. The key to understand reality is to understand the nature of change
3. Historical change is not random but obeys discoverable law
4. Discoverable law of change is dialectics: a repeated triadic movement of thesis, antithesis and synthesis
5. Alienation or internal contradiction which keep the law perpetually in operation and eventually brings an end to the state of affair by its own internal contradictions
6. That the process is not under the control of human beings
7. The process will continue until a stage will reach when the internal contradictions will be resolved.
8. In a conflict free situation human beings will be able to take control of their destinies
9. For the first time freedom and self-fulfillment will become possible
10. The society will become an organic whole, individuals observed and there more fulfilling
What Marx Added and Changed
While Hegel considered reality spiritual Marx believes it to be material. One these philosophical grounds Marx build his Model.
1. Economy is fundamental:
1. That west has an identity or certain fixed characteristics, deriving strength from the constituent characteristics and posing a threat to other identities by utilizing the same strength.
2. That west is a descriptive umbrella term combining everything modern in the strictest philosophical sense.
My concept of the west is closer to the second one. I am not presenting something of a Queer theory nor do I have the capability to have such an emotive endeavor. What I am trying to offer here is that the west is “west” because of its academic excellence. It is the power of ideas which make everything possible. A resistant political model or the supposed conflict associated with it might have some gains in the ends but it has no justification whatsoever to negate west in abstract philosophical sense. Hence I may be a part of the west though living thousands of miles away and another living in the heart of it might feel alienated.
“Eastern philosophy has been in some ways profounder than western philosophy for much of the past, but in the last two hundred years the balance has been redressed”.
Bryan Magee
According to Bryan it was Marxixm which truly influenced the eastern thought and it was the greatest influence of west on east. I was reading pakhtoonmagazine issue for this month and I was not astonished to find out two articles especially the one titled “Badledoonke narhai ao adab” which see modernism purely from Marxian perspectives. Mostly our first rate intellectuals are unaware of the philosophical developments of the 20th century and that is how their worldview is so limited and their perspectives so redundant. For a society to evolve, it needs intellectuals who are well aware of the complexity of thoughts in the contemporary world. Even political struggle need this necessary understanding behind an ideology.
In modern world no signal ideal can have the desired strength to make a collective impact not only in terms of the validity of the truth which it claims to be inherent to the ideal under discussion but also in terms of the impacts it would likely to create when put to experiments. Thus if nationalism needs a touch of “revisionism” it should be welcomed. Similarly, we have to apply every modern tool to further our ideological struggle.
Despite of its apparent hatred for Nazism, the modern western world (or perhaps the whole world in the quest for power) has been (somehow) reshaped on Nietzsche’s philosophy. His philosophy can be summarized in three lines that Shakespeare puts into the mouth of Richard 111.
Conscience is but a word that coward use
Devised at first to keep the strong in awe
Our strong arms be our conscience, swords our law!
The philosophical elements in Marxism are mainly derived from Hegel. They can be summarized as:
1. Reality is a historical process
2. The key to understand reality is to understand the nature of change
3. Historical change is not random but obeys discoverable law
4. Discoverable law of change is dialectics: a repeated triadic movement of thesis, antithesis and synthesis
5. Alienation or internal contradiction which keep the law perpetually in operation and eventually brings an end to the state of affair by its own internal contradictions
6. That the process is not under the control of human beings
7. The process will continue until a stage will reach when the internal contradictions will be resolved.
8. In a conflict free situation human beings will be able to take control of their destinies
9. For the first time freedom and self-fulfillment will become possible
10. The society will become an organic whole, individuals observed and there more fulfilling
What Marx Added and Changed
While Hegel considered reality spiritual Marx believes it to be material. One these philosophical grounds Marx build his Model.
1. Economy is fundamental:
FROM HEIDEGGER
We are bound in an innuendo,
Inseparable though dividable;
And also we the children of Time
Have to grow, mature and end
Our lives in an uncertain arrow.
“The Being is ethically neutral”,
He said. And the solicitude
Is the result of aporia.
The possibility of any recognition
Is therefore begging the question.
Inseparable though dividable;
And also we the children of Time
Have to grow, mature and end
Our lives in an uncertain arrow.
“The Being is ethically neutral”,
He said. And the solicitude
Is the result of aporia.
The possibility of any recognition
Is therefore begging the question.
You took away everything from me.
How dare you ask me for a truce!
I’ll fight till death;
Even fight the death and conquer it.
I have nothing left,
Nothing to be proud of,
Nothing to be ashamed of
But some reasons unexplained—
To get rid of a burden or perhaps
Some instincts of vengeance
Pestering the man in me.
May be my very identity
Has become a liability?
May be the axis on the Wheel
Has brought me here.
You took away everything from me.
My honour, courage and the soil
Which gave birth to my elders,
Which engendered the flowers
To adore the long, silky hair
Of my village maidens.
I’ll fight till death;
Even fight the death and conquer it.
I have nothing left,
Nothing to be proud of,
Nothing to be ashamed of
But some reasons unexplained—
To get rid of a burden or perhaps
Some instincts of vengeance
Pestering the man in me.
May be my very identity
Has become a liability?
May be the axis on the Wheel
Has brought me here.
You took away everything from me.
My honour, courage and the soil
Which gave birth to my elders,
Which engendered the flowers
To adore the long, silky hair
Of my village maidens.
Wanton Images
Images, wanton images,
Images, which can only be felt
When the violent sounds
Rock the tallest buildings,
Amputate, submerse,
And pile up the canyons.
What if the guardian angel
Turn in to an evil spirit!
What if the hands which heal
Leave deadly lesions!
Outnumbering images,
Move very stealthily,
In every vein of the city.
Images, which can only be felt
When the violent sounds
Rock the tallest buildings,
Amputate, submerse,
And pile up the canyons.
What if the guardian angel
Turn in to an evil spirit!
What if the hands which heal
Leave deadly lesions!
Outnumbering images,
Move very stealthily,
In every vein of the city.
رڼا
سباوون نۀ رڼا کيږي
زر تيارې شي ماښام راشي
د مرغۍ بچي نهر دي
نن په جاله کښې اوتر دي
نۀ په لوګه نۀ په تنده
خو د مور په انتظاردي
په تيارو کښې مزدوري ده
هسې نۀ چې پرې رڼا شي
زر تيارې شي ماښام راشي
د مرغۍ بچي نهر دي
نن په جاله کښې اوتر دي
نۀ په لوګه نۀ په تنده
خو د مور په انتظاردي
په تيارو کښې مزدوري ده
هسې نۀ چې پرې رڼا شي
غزل
ابدي غمونه ژاړم
څو پښتنې لاځوابه
په کېدو او نۀ کېدوکښې
تېروتلې،وروک د سېله
دسيالۍ وس خو لرمه
خوسيالي دچاسره کړم
دخپل خيال لښتي ته ګورم
سمندر چې پېمانه کړم
ځه کونجې ئې وروکومه
خو چرنده ئې رانه وروکه
د دې مينې خوږ قفس له
څاروي لټول ګران شو
دا د نۀ ويلو شور دې
دا زړګې مې چې رپېږي
دا غوغانه شم زغملې
تخيل مې پرې ماتېږي
د جنون په تکل لاړ شم
که د ستا بلۍ ته ګورم
د ژوبل احساس علاج له
مړاوے څو ګلونه راوړم؟
څو پښتنې لاځوابه
په کېدو او نۀ کېدوکښې
تېروتلې،وروک د سېله
دسيالۍ وس خو لرمه
خوسيالي دچاسره کړم
دخپل خيال لښتي ته ګورم
سمندر چې پېمانه کړم
ځه کونجې ئې وروکومه
خو چرنده ئې رانه وروکه
د دې مينې خوږ قفس له
څاروي لټول ګران شو
دا د نۀ ويلو شور دې
دا زړګې مې چې رپېږي
دا غوغانه شم زغملې
تخيل مې پرې ماتېږي
د جنون په تکل لاړ شم
که د ستا بلۍ ته ګورم
د ژوبل احساس علاج له
مړاوے څو ګلونه راوړم؟
څېره او نوم
په زړه ماتي په ټوټو ټوټوزينه
څنګه لوړې ته ختې شي
شوګيرو خوړلې سترګې
د زهره څېره کتې شي
†
دا ښائست چې اويزان دې په ديوال
ستا پيښې کولې نشي
لباسي خندا اغوستې ورته ګورم
لکه باښه په قفس کښې
چې ئې بل څه نه وي وس کښې
دښکاري سترګو ته ګوري
†
وئي! دا وخت څومره ظالم دې
تهمتونه راتپي خو تپوس نه کئ
چې داشونډې ولې سپورې سپورې کيږي
زنځيرونه راتړي،ګريوان مې څيري
خو يو نوم د ليونو راباندې نږدي
څنګه لوړې ته ختې شي
شوګيرو خوړلې سترګې
د زهره څېره کتې شي
†
دا ښائست چې اويزان دې په ديوال
ستا پيښې کولې نشي
لباسي خندا اغوستې ورته ګورم
لکه باښه په قفس کښې
چې ئې بل څه نه وي وس کښې
دښکاري سترګو ته ګوري
†
وئي! دا وخت څومره ظالم دې
تهمتونه راتپي خو تپوس نه کئ
چې داشونډې ولې سپورې سپورې کيږي
زنځيرونه راتړي،ګريوان مې څيري
خو يو نوم د ليونو راباندې نږدي
Away from my Shadow
On my way back home
I played with my shadow
They were good old days of school
When our paths would diverge
And I was left alone.
I used to step on them
And step after step
It was one step farther
I used to turn my back
And found it still there
Like a true loyal friend.
Now I hate that shadow
It has grown young but more cunning
I try to get rid of it
But it is visible everywhere
I try to smash it
But it overshadows me
It haunts me like an evil spirit
Trespasses my privacy
Adding to my agonies
Smiling at my misfortunes
And my uncertain future.
River Swat
The water is haunted
A phantom imperceptible
Is creeping through the atoms
The river Swat it is.
The wailing shadows try to float
The grip is tight
The water is running very fast
From the height
The departed souls overhear
The shadows cursing the water.
Its colour is Green
Not because of lively weeds
Not because of newly seeding
Not because of life itself.
A phantom imperceptible
Is creeping through the atoms
The river Swat it is.
The wailing shadows try to float
The grip is tight
The water is running very fast
From the height
The departed souls overhear
The shadows cursing the water.
Its colour is Green
Not because of lively weeds
Not because of newly seeding
Not because of life itself.
Pakhtun’s Chaadar
Attired in tatters though
Yet a grace is there
For with his Chaadar on
No Monster does he fear
‘Tis not a mere cloth?
A second skin is it?
Blue grey green and white
All colours seem to fit.
A piece of cloth belittles
The worth this label has
The turbans reach the skies
Really is like a coil ablaze
The bride in the palanquin
Feels safe under its grace
Like guardian Angel
When tied to her lace
Folded upon the shoulder
The farmer ploughs the soil
All it means for him
The rhythm of the toil
No carpet does he need
When it’s time to pray
On the green or near the river
The chaadar he can lay
Some bear fiancée’s name
Of passions a lovely tale
Of loyalty, warmth and love
Reflected from her coy veil
At Jarga or in Hujra
In mirth or at play
This weaved resemblance
A Pakhtun’s display
Now there is no shelter
Save the blind deaf sky
Chaadar’s the only canopy
Muffles the innocent cry
Yet a grace is there
For with his Chaadar on
No Monster does he fear
‘Tis not a mere cloth?
A second skin is it?
Blue grey green and white
All colours seem to fit.
A piece of cloth belittles
The worth this label has
The turbans reach the skies
Really is like a coil ablaze
The bride in the palanquin
Feels safe under its grace
Like guardian Angel
When tied to her lace
Folded upon the shoulder
The farmer ploughs the soil
All it means for him
The rhythm of the toil
No carpet does he need
When it’s time to pray
On the green or near the river
The chaadar he can lay
Some bear fiancée’s name
Of passions a lovely tale
Of loyalty, warmth and love
Reflected from her coy veil
At Jarga or in Hujra
In mirth or at play
This weaved resemblance
A Pakhtun’s display
Now there is no shelter
Save the blind deaf sky
Chaadar’s the only canopy
Muffles the innocent cry
Curfew
Through the crevices of the wooden door
the innocent eyes watch the show
like a wandering deer lost from his flock
helpless before approaching wolves
It was not the smoke from the chimneys
or the fire from the hearth
but dragons from afar
that no one knew before
they set the forest ablaze
in Gods name, religion galore
As the night falls
The boots disappear
And the Talib walks over the terrace
No shutters to close the crevices
No latch to shut the door
But old forgotten spells
To keep evil away.
The Taliban strolls
To digest his supper
A delicious meal awaits him at the mosque
Delicious roasted limbs of the village barber
Refreshing wine made from pure blood
Of the neighbor's school-going daughter.
He belches out with his rifle
And the boots exchange a friendly fire.
The curfew will soon end
when the forest is no more.
the innocent eyes watch the show
like a wandering deer lost from his flock
helpless before approaching wolves
It was not the smoke from the chimneys
or the fire from the hearth
but dragons from afar
that no one knew before
they set the forest ablaze
in Gods name, religion galore
As the night falls
The boots disappear
And the Talib walks over the terrace
No shutters to close the crevices
No latch to shut the door
But old forgotten spells
To keep evil away.
The Taliban strolls
To digest his supper
A delicious meal awaits him at the mosque
Delicious roasted limbs of the village barber
Refreshing wine made from pure blood
Of the neighbor's school-going daughter.
He belches out with his rifle
And the boots exchange a friendly fire.
The curfew will soon end
when the forest is no more.
Revenge
I do not hate you for you colour;
I do not hate you for your creeds.
I hate you because you hate me
You have sown these hatred-seeds.
My father was a king, we ruled;
My brother was a soldier, he fought;
How can you make a eunuch of me?
When justice is all I have sought.
You are cunning and full of sin
Deception is all you know to do.
I'm honest and know that I'll win,
No matter what inflictions by you.
I swear to you I'll take my revenge
I'll win back my lost throne;
You'll never win at this "game"
A fiercer enemy you've never known
I will win and watch you die in shame
Revenge is this Pakhtun's second name
I do not hate you for your creeds.
I hate you because you hate me
You have sown these hatred-seeds.
My father was a king, we ruled;
My brother was a soldier, he fought;
How can you make a eunuch of me?
When justice is all I have sought.
You are cunning and full of sin
Deception is all you know to do.
I'm honest and know that I'll win,
No matter what inflictions by you.
I swear to you I'll take my revenge
I'll win back my lost throne;
You'll never win at this "game"
A fiercer enemy you've never known
I will win and watch you die in shame
Revenge is this Pakhtun's second name
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