Political Process in Pakistan

I think political process in Pakistan has been suffering from a dual flaw. Firstly the current political process is continuation of ideological politics of the past which was anti-imperialism, nationalistic, religious one and communist. Secondly the present political ethos of liberal democracy with market economy is leaving little room for ideological politics. In democracy ideas come later and theories or ideologies are the products of the very... democratic process itself. This dual and somehow contradictory nature of the political process has many implications.

The first implication of this politics is dynastic politics, family politics or simply the belief that certain people or political leaderships are indispensable for the political process and without them we cannot continue the political process. So family politics is there owing to the fact that certain people are heir to the leadership and ideologies of the past and without them the very political process would die. Resultantly political parties are not as democratic as they ought to be.

The second implication of the dual flaw of the political process is that the very process is being retarded owing to the very nature of the politics i.e. the dualism of ideology vs. pragmatism. Furthermore if we closely examine the ideologies they are not really ideologies. Although days of the ideological politics are gone yet ideologies have certain utilities e.g. nationalism, religion or communism unite and motivate the people towards political activism. Unfortunately, in today’s politics ideologies are there only in name and they have become pseudo ideologies. The very ideologues when come to power compromise their ideologies or there is a visible contradiction between their thoughts and actions. Consequently, this pseudo nature of the ideologies makes the political process retarded at least intellectually.

The third implication is that the current political process is not transforming the status quo. One thing is obvious that we cannot completely do away with the status quo. There will always be status quos as long humanity is divided into groups, classes and categories and controlling authorities. As there are states for example there are status quos. The point is not to get rid of the status quo but to transform the status quo into a less ruthless or benevolent and pro-people status quo. So the very political process which is dynastic, pseudo ideological and intellectually retarded is not transforming the status quo. The agents of status quo are there. Pseudo ideologies are strengthening the status quo and politicians are shareholders of the status quo.

Freedom vs. Ego

When you finish fighting with the whole world, the last thing you would do is to fight with yourself. Isn’t it better to fight with one’s ego first?

Family, friends, society, nations and humanity as a whole are the scope for our living. The narrower we choose the more subjective and out of tune we may become. Aren't traditions, cultures, myths and patriotism the different frames that restrict our freedom (freedom to live as decent human beings and not the freedom to harm others)? I guess there is a deeper connection between our freedom and the way our egos are shaped.

You may also come across certain claims when you engage yourself in narrower perspectives. There may be people who would force you to accept their perspectives no matter how harmful and unnecessary they are for your own pleasures. Such claims are often associated with the appeal to authority fallacy. Haven’t you heard many people claiming they know very well the system you are engaged in and that you should follow blindly?

After realizing the importance of your freedom the following stage is perhaps tougher. This is how to deal with the subjective perspectives without compromising your survival. You may take the subjective perspective for granted for the time being but without accepting them in your heart (acceptance in most cases in not possible). You may need the physical and moral strength to assert your freedom. The more you assert your freedom the more your ego would vanish and the more influence you may develop.

Kubla Khan and the Palace of Ghani Khan

Much has been written about Coleridge and Kubla Khan in the course of two centuries but quite little is available for international readers about Ghani Khan. Ghani Khan is the most representative modern Pashtun poet widely read in both Afghanistan and Pakistan. A relevance of his poetry may be important for several reasons.  His poetry may give us a renewed understanding about poetry in general and Pashtu poetry in particular. By comparing his work with one of the most widely read English poets such as Coleridge we may be able to place his genius among international poets. His reading may also give us an insight into the conflict in Afghanistan and Pakistan and we may be better equipped to know about Pashtuns and their literature.

Perhaps the only technical difference between Kubla Khan of Coleridge and the Palace of Ghani Khan is that the former remained incomplete due to opium intake that Coleridge was addicted to. The Palace, on the other hand touches the zenith of artistic perfection: a complete romantic thought of escapism woven into different kinds of sensory images turned into subjective symbols which further inspire a vivid spectrum of beauty and love. Kubla Khan, on the other hand, is lacking this unity of thought due to “incompleteness” but deals with the same theme of escapism mostly through conceptual imagery and with a highly refined artistic taste.

Both the poems are fine examples of how do human feelings transcend time and space and remain universal. Coleridge, an English poet nurtured in the 18^th century philosophical and artistic ethos finds his palace in the remote and mysterious Asian land of Xanado whereas Ghani Khan, a 20^th century Pashtun poet deeply immersed in the oriental philosophy and mysticism, starts building  the same palace from the sands of his own river. Perhaps Coleridge finds it difficult to build his palace by himself and all alone in the tough and inaccessible terrain of Xanado.  So he imagines Kubla Khan ordering his subjects to build it with all the artistic intricacies. For Ghani Khan the choice is simple i.e. he feels to be the master of his own “sand” and there is enough of artistic tools and expression to enthrone him as the “king” of his own created palace.

Escapism is one of the dominant themes of romantic poetry. It is an imaginative world of the poet where he/she is free to make the impossible possible. It is often the pain or dullness of the real world that force the poet to flee to a world of imagination unaffected by the ruthless agents of the real world. Both Coleridge and Ghani Khan find this escape in their own imaginative palaces where they want to experience the things of their own choices. In escapism the poet often draws a comparison between the real and the imaginary but what is remarkable about both the poems is that we do not find any complaints of the pain, miseries or dullness of the real life; rather we see the poets narrating the stories of what they had already created and experienced. They seem to tell us that they had their own worlds of art, beauty, love and perfection and that they did not care about the world of flesh and blood. These are parallel worlds or multi-universes where the poets may switch in-between whenever they want.

Kubla Khan and The Palace are the most representative poems of Coleridge and Ghani Khan respectively. They are windows through which we can look into the full details and artistry of the poets. Kubla Khan has already received its due recognition from the readers and critics alike and is regarded as one of the most widely read poems of all times. In Kubla Khan Coleridge’s deliberate attempt to render “supernatural as natural” is very evident. The poetry is largely subjective and composed in fine lyrics. The imagery is subtle, catchy and elusive. The thought process is exquisitely developed and twisted in the final lines where the poet’s imagination is tossed up; having no reigns and is unstoppable. Despite technical “incompleteness” as claimed by Coleridge himself, the poem is never regarded as incomplete and has been enjoyed till date since its first publication in 1798.

The Palace, on the other hand, is technically a complete poem. It tells us a great deal about the poetry of Ghani Khan in one poem and one single thought of romantic escapism. An ardent reader of Ghani Khan may find in it most of Ghani Khan’s themes and artistry filtered through a very refined poetic sense.  The poet selects very keenly from a whole range of oriental images and metaphors, and then innovates by transforming them into personal or Pashtun symbols; and he finally uses them in a befitting manner to develop the thought process and to create the desired rhythm. His imagination is alert at every point not allowing unnecessary details to detract his highly exalted mood. The rhythm is subtle and rare in the oriental or sub-continental traditions of poetry.

Criticism of poetry in the sub-continental languages such as Urdu or in local languages such as Pashtu largely focus on the subject matter and poetic form and diction is mostly taken for granted as something that is merely ornate or that serves as conduit to the subject matter. According to Pervaiz Akhtar, a music teacher and music therapists from Baha ud Din University Multan, poetry itself is never taken in isolation and it is considered as part of Sangeet which is roughly synonymous to music. There are also traditions of poetry recitals called Mushaairas where the poet may either recite his/her poetry or sing it without any musical instruments. Poetry books are also enjoyed by a small section of educated class. Majority of poetry is orally enjoyed or when it is sung with musical instruments or performed. Sangeet has remained a combination of poetry, music (instrumental) and performing arts such as dance. Perhaps musical instruments and dance overshadow poetic form and diction and the listeners and critics mostly miss it in the overall impression that Sangeet creates. This may be one of the reasons that the Palace has received little attention from the readers and critic of Ghani Khan as compared to his other poems that show him as an iconoclast or the poet who breaks the stereotypes, myths and taboos.

Contemporary Pashtun poet, singer and musician Amjad Shehzad has also noted this thing about the Palace. He goes on to say that the Palace uses one of the rarest meters that has been evolved from the Indic or sub-continental music.

Education

Education

Much is written about education and many have been in the process of redefining it. Some say it is a change in behaviour. Other say it is to develop cognition. For many it is a cultural and religious imperative while many more are looking at it from a critical perspective.

Education is also passing through a phase in which national politics is reasserting itself while globalization and free trade are posing a strong resistance to this politics.

Development in science and technology is opening up new avenues to understand the system of education. A greater desire among people can be seen to see education as a creative and problem solving process. Hence the process of learning and unlearning are equally valued.

Another dichotomy in the prevalent education is a diversion from the traditional "jack of all trades and master of none" notion towards specialization in a specific field. Mushrooming cadet schools, business schools, medical and engineering schools and many other such specialized education are attracting people.

Defining education is no longer an easy task. Culture, religion, national politics, globalization and the growing complexity owing to scientific and technological development together with new challenges to collective survival have been exerting tremendous pressure upon us. The system of education is perhaps more confused today than it had been some years ago. If you are parents you are much more worried about the education of your child. A high school student has no clear direction for the future and an undergraduate is more occupied by a brighter career no matter what he or she would learn or unlearn.

Isn't human history a history of consistently suppressing, diverting, manipulating and persecuting the artist and scientist within us? How much our current system of education is capable enough to polish and further develop human potentials as per our contemporary understanding of the universe? Has our ever increasing notion of modernity brought any change in the way we treat our  children and young ones?

We may be relatively more advanced as compared to our ancestors but aren't the fruits of modernity available to quite few and majority of us are still living in abject poverty, suffering from diseases and are enslaved by fellow human beings? We are still far far away in addressing key human issues let alone thinking about bio diversity, ecology and the cosmos beyond our planet. 

FATA as separate province

The problems of FATA are manifold. On immediate level we are to deal with two problems. Firstly we are to deal with Talibanization in the form of proxy warriors, warlords, drug mafia, kidnapers, smugglers and all those elements who either challenge the write of the state or undermine the state in connivance with the very state institutions. The second problem is a humanitarian crisis that emanates from lack of human security, primarily from a relatively weaker indigenous defense mechanism in the form of tribal institutions such as Jarga and Lashkar. Over the years FATA remained isolated with negligible interaction with the outside world. This isolation itself has a long history dating back to the 19th century Great Game between the Tsarist Russia and the British India that was followed by the Afghan Jihad during the Cold War era. Pakistan never owned these areas save for proxy games such as support to the Taliban government in Afghanistan and loosed control through Political Administration and draconian laws of the British Raj. The isolation has reached a higher threshold level now and most of the tribal areas are no-go-zones for common people, journalists and aid workers.

Quite recently the state of Pakistan has introduced limited reforms that allowed political mobilization but it seems we are already too late for such interventions. Keeping in view the severity of the problems and a huge humanitarian crisis the state of Pakistan shall ensure immediate measures to end FATA’s alienation. This can be done by assigning a provincial status to FATA with its own legislature and governance structure like other provinces of Pakistan. For financial restrains UN and other countries shall be asked to extend support to FATA.

A visible immediate outcome of a separate province would be that the people of FATA will be able to own their own problems without looking towards the outsiders for solutions. Thinking on the obsolete pattern of control from the outside on any pretext may further devastate the areas. Let’s be neutral in allowing political will to the people of FATA. They need it desperately; they deserve it; and perhaps this is the best solution for outsiders as well.

راځه چې ځو

On Music and Militancy Report

http://www.voadeewaradio.com/audio/audio/387293.html

پښتانۀ ولې يو مرکزي سياسي جوړښت نۀ لري؟

Daren Acemolgue & James A Robinsor په خپل کتاب قامونه ولې ناکامه کېږي او د طاقت، ترقئ اور غربت سر چينې څۀ څۀ دي

ډير په زړۀ پورې کتاب دې چې پکښې د نړۍ د هر دور او خواؤشا د هر قام تاريخ شته. دوي وائې چې د قامونو د ناکامۍ دا وجې نۀ دي چې دوي په ّمخصوص جغرافيه کښې ژوند تېروي يا مخصوص کلتور لري او يا دوي جاهله او نا خبره دي. بلکه د قامونو ادارې د هغوي د خوشالو او بدحالو وجې وي. زۀ کوشش کوم چې د دوې د نظرياتو په رڼا کښې د پښتنو د ژوند او تاريخ څېړنه وکړم.

پښتانه يو قبائلي ژوند تيرو او پښتنو قبيلو په خپل ميئنځ کښې ډير جګړې کړې دي. د پښتنو د دننني ناچاقۍ د لاسه پښتنو يو مرکزي حکومت جوړ نۀ کړې شو کوم چې د سياسي او اقتصادي ادارو د پاره ضروري وي. د پښتنو قبائلي سماج ډير محدودو اقتصادي سرګرو کښې معشول پاتې شوې دي د کومو لو کبله چې د پښتنو په کلتوري جوړښت کښې څۀ دومره لوئې بدلون رانغې.

د پښتنو د ژوند او د صوماليې تر مينځه کۀ موازنه وکړې شي نو څۀ دومره بده بۀ نۀ وي. کتاب خو د پښتنو په حقله څۀ نۀ وائې خو ولې په صوماليه کښې د مرکزې حکومت د ناکامۍ وجې هغې قبيلې ګرزوي څوک چې يو بل سر پورته کولو ته نۀ پرېږدي ولې چې د سياسي طاقت د پاره ضروي ده چې يو ګروپ د نورو ګروپونو د پاسه شي.

ټول په ټوله بهرنې يرغلونو پښتانه چېرې هم خارجيانو سره ارتباط ته پرينښودله. او د پښتنو ټولنه د ځان ځانۍ ښکار شوی دي. زما په خيال پښتون کلتور، جغرافيې او د پښتنو ناپوهۍ ته ګناه اچول به يو ښۀ کار نۀ وي بلکه په دے سوچ پکار دے چې مونږ ولې يو مرکزي سياسي جوړښت او اقتصادي ادارو په جوړولو کښې ناکامه شوې يو.

په کومو ځايونو کښې چې پښتنو مرکزي حکومتونه جوړ کړې وو لکه کابل يا سوات، نو هلته سماجي او کلتوري بدلونونه راغلې دي ځکه چې هلته نوي اقتصادي ادارے جوړې شوې دي.

د کرښې پر غاړه (په پوهنتونونو کې د څېړنو معیار)

http://www.mashaalradio.org/content/article/25293132.html

Music Freedom Day with Haroon Baacha

http://www.mashaalradio.com/audio/audio/1099794.html

???

I don’t think the issue of fighting militancy is so simple. Not at all!

Let me try to explain it. 

9/11 happened at a time when Pakistan was ruled by an egocentric military dictator. Military men are no different from other Pakistanis and they found an opportunity to grab money and support from the US. The military did not bother to check their own strategic assets or ever tried to change the policies of their predecessors. Rather, they were under their own historical fallacies that the infidel US would be deeply entrenched in the quagmire of Afghanistan and will finally face a defeat. So they were complacent and the militants were engaged in unchecked activities. I call it a militants’ paradise!

During the 2005 earthquake Musharaf used to appreciate the militants that they had adopted a right approach and that militancy is not something useful as if a father is happy that his rogue son is not taking drugs and attends five times prayers a day. Too much complacency I suppose!

The Lal Mosque episode was badly handled. It was badly handled because a thoughtful government might have diluted extremism over a period of time without having to provoke any animosity. The blunder was committed under the false impression that a chunk of militants cannot challenge the mighty power of the state!

The liberal intelligentsia who had an insight to the problem were themselves part of corrupt and opportunist political setup and the PPP could not calculate the murder of Benazir and the subsequent outcomes of the militants’ influence due to their tainted vision. This is indeed so sad!

An ordinary Pakistani is not educated enough to provide rational explanation for some simple phenomena like why does water flow downhill or why water vapors go up into the air. Even university professors and scientists believe that the 9/11 had not happened and the miseries in Pakistan are all inflicted by the Jews, Hindus and Christians. A police official cannot rationally interpret that the worst law and order situation is due to the corruption he is engaged in. A school teacher supposes that India does not want stability of Pakistan because it is interfering in Baluchistan. How can one argue with the teacher that by not going to the classroom and not teaching our children is the cause of our instability!

Until now and perhaps in the coming few years our leading media men and politicians will remain under the impression that the Taliban do not exist and that bomb explosions and target killing are conspiracies of the West. Parties like PML N, PTI and JI share this lunacy with the leading media men. Superb!

Nobody knows exactly who the militants in Pakistan are and who is not. Talks with whom? Operation against whom!

On Music Freedom Day March 3, 2014

http://www.voadeewaradio.com/audio/audio/382324.html

Current affairs: A friendly chat

Shakir: What do you predict about the possible outcome of talks with the militants? Do you predict any reconciliation?

Arif: There are many possibilities. The State and militants cannot reconcile for some obvious reasons as Taliban do not believe in democracy and constitution. A military operation against the militants is a tough decision. Further delay may possibly strengthen the militants and in case of militants’ dominance over the state, the state will have no other option but to invite international support.

Shakir:  Do you really think militants are a threat to the state?

Arif: Yes, they are a threat to the state.

Shakir: Are they a threat to the military establishment as well?

Arif: Yes, a threat to the state implies a threat to its establishment.

Shakir: If military operation is launched, what will be the status of KP government?

Arif: I suppose military operation will further exacerbate the situation especially in Punjab and Karachi and we don't know how the militants and other anti-state forces will respond. Before military operation the state must change its policy.

Shakir: Do you mean it is the right time for the state to change its policy?

Arif: Yes, the state has no other option.

Shakir: What is the way out to curb militants in KP?

Arif: FATA and KP are sandwiched. Only the state can find a way out. KP cannot have a policy of its own.

Shakir: PTI and JI are pro-Taliban. How would they curb the monster of terrorism?

Arif: They cannot. They are pro-Taliban but Taliban are only pro-Taliban and do not wish to take side with any party or force.

Shakir: So what are the chances of KP government survival?

Arif: It depends. PTI will support any move from the Federal government/ military. JI may resign or Governor Raj may be imposed in case of military operation. Time will tell. We cannot say it for sure

Shakir: You are right. In this critical situation it is difficult for JI to continue.

The need for an internal dialogue

It is hypothesized that our society is faced with an existential threat. This threat is embedded in the many problems such as our too much occupation with historical fallacies, ideological confusion, vicious cycle of economic opportunism and exploitation, losses of heritage, lack of self rule and self-governance, moral and intellectual corruptions symbolized in financial corruption and lack of institutionalized leadership. The worst part of all this is that each one of us has his/ her own monologue which no one else is listening to.

It may be relevant that we initiate an internal dialogue with some of the following constituting points.

·         Internal stability of our society against sectarian violence.

·         Internalizing the spirit of scientific and technological understanding.

·         Connecting ourselves to our heritage to determine what stage of human civilization we are presently in.

·         Chalking out our political economy vis-à-vis regional and international economic players or polities.

·         Bridging the generation gap between the hitherto older generation who are fast losing their relevance and our disoriented youth who are under diverse influences and information.

The dialogue may be promoted through parliament, political parties, and all relevant institutions such as media, places of worships and public forums. 

آيا طالب زمونږ ورور دے؟

د عمران خان د پخوا راهسې دا وينا ده چې مونږ له په مينځنۍ پښتونخوا (فاټا) کښې "خپلو خلقو" سره خبرې اترې کول پکار دي او جنګ د مسلې حل نۀ دے.

يو ورځ مخکښې د پاکستان په سينټ کښې د اے اين پي غړو د عمران خان د دے خبرې ډيره په سختو ټکو غندنه وکړه چې طالب زمونږ ورور دے. 

سياست به يو خوا ته کېږدو او په دے خبره به غور وکړو چې څوک زمونږ ورور دے او څوک زمونږ دښمن. په پښتونخوا کښې اوسيدونکي ټول انسانان زمونږ وروڼه خويندے دي او کۀ د هر چا هره يوه عقيده وي زمونږ د پاره ټول قابل احترام دي.

کۀ شيعه دے کۀ سني، کۀ بريلې دے کۀ تبليغې، کۀ سِک دے، که هندو او کۀ عيسائي د ټولو زمونږ په خاوره حق دے.

که جماعت اسلامي ده کۀ اے اين پي، کۀ فضل الرحمن دے که محمود خان اچکزۍ، که سراج الحق دے کۀ پرويز خټک مونږ د ټولو احترام کوو.

خو د ژوند تيرولو د پاره څۀ اصول وي. د خپل سوچ خپرولو د پاره څۀ نۀ څۀ لاره وي. او هغه دا چې د بل انسان د سر او مال احترام به کوو. د خپلو عقيدو د پاره به د چا ژوند نۀ خاورے ايرے کوو. يو داسې پښتون څنګه زمونږ ورور کېدے شي چې هغه نۀ د حجرې احترام کوي او نۀ د جماعت، هغه خپل نور وروڼه په بمونو کښې الوزوي، خلق تښتوي، ډاروي او په بدمعاشۍ او د ټوپک په زور خپل عقائد په خلقو مني؟

د عمران خان دا سوچ چې طالب زمونږ ورور دے بيهي د انسانيت، مذهبي روادارۍ او کلتوري اصولو خلاپ دے. مونږ ډير بدقسمته خلق يو چې د يو ناپوهه انسان په لاس کښې زمونږ د قام اختيار دے.

(عارف)

POSITION STATEMENT ON CULTURE POLICY FOR KHYBER PAKHTUNKHWA

POSITION STATEMENT ON CULTURE POLICY FOR KHYBER PAKHTUNKHWA

Sunday, January 05, 2014

comments: 0

Introduction:

After 18th Amendment the subject “culture” has been devolved to the provinces which mean that provincial governments have the authority to work for the revival, promotion and preservation of the indigenous cultural heritage. In this connection, the ANP led provincial Government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa had taken some very positive measures that included: among other things, reopening of Nishtar Hall Peshawar for cultural activities and setting up Directorate of Culture. In that period the cultural activism in the province under the Directorate of Culture, Ministry of Information, Public Relation and Culture was highly commendable. However, after the change of government, not only culture activities are slowed down but little progress can be seen for devising a comprehensive Culture Policy.

Justification for a Cultural Policy

The culture of the province has been suffering at the hand of extremist forces and terrorism which are hell bent on destroying cultural diversity by replacing it with obscurantism and violence. For sustainable peace in the province culture should be considered as “agent for social change” and efforts shall be made for the reinvigoration of the dismantled cultural heritage. As under the constitution the subject “culture” is no longer a federal subject and as it has been devolved, therefore, it is the first and foremost responsibility of the provincial government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to formulate a Culture Policy for the province.

What is a Culture Policy?

Culture policy shall be the relevant legislation or legal document for the revival, promotion and preservation of both tangible and intangible cultural heritage of the province. The policy shall appreciate the diverse culture of the province and any direct or indirect threat to this culture shall be deftly estimated as unlawful.

Aims and Objectives of Culture Policy

Culture policy shall aim at providing legal protection to cultural heritage, cultural institutions and cultural activities. Besides safeguarding fundamental human rights of the citizen as envisaged in the constitution of Pakistan, the policy shall discourage all negative cultural practices and devise concrete objectives for promoting positive cultural values such as pluralism and democratization. The policy shall help provide an enabling environment for the education and promotion of the indigenous languages, literatures, arts, crafts and folklore. Artists, artisans, craftsmen and people related to the promotion of culture shall be declared as “productive assets”. Productive cultural activities, cultural marketing, tourism and related businesses shall also be regularized. The policy document shall include references and provisions for relevant administrative and financial matters. This shall be achieved through a step by step strategy of investing in the productive culture sector and culture education. Exploring markets for indigenous arts and crafts shall also be pursued. Efforts shall be made for increasing access to the new media by establishing state of the art studios. Quality productions and publications should be encouraged though a democratic process of censorship. All this shall be achieved through coordination among different departments such as education, agriculture, tourism, industry, environment and the private sector etc.

Planning and Implementation of Culture Policy

On planning and strategic levels, the policy shall devise recommendations for increased budgetary allocation and reciprocal revenue generation through marketing and taxation. For the administration and management of culture implementable structures shall be formulated. The existing structures for the management of the subject “culture” at the provincial level need to be revisited. Currently two separate directorates under two separate ministries are operating for dealing with the subject “culture”. 
The Directorate of Museum and Archives which deals with the tangible cultural heritage works under “Sports, Tourism, Archeology and Museum Department.” The Directorate of Culture which deals with intangible cultural heritage is working under “Information, Public Relation and Culture Department.” If both tangible and intangible cultural heritage are included under one department many administrative problems shall be corrected and duplication shall be avoided. Administrative structures may also be devised at the divisional or district level. The culture policy should seek sustained institutionalization at the grassroots level. Art councils, literary circles and traditional cultural institutions should be strengthened.

Risk/ Opportunities

The culture policy should be specifically mindful of the financial and technical risks. Keeping in view the security concerns of the province it is very likely that the government would find it difficult to allocate increased budget for the culture. To mitigate this risk the policy should recommend transparent procedures for public-private partnership. The culture policy must allow flexible procedures to benefit from the opportunities available in the private sector and with national and international donor agencies. Another risk in the implementation of culture activities would remain lack of technical skills of the staff of the culture department. The policy should also allow for capacity building of the staff of the culture department or relevant ministry.

What Civil Society Organization can do?

Center for Peace and Culture Studies (CPCS) Peshawar Pakistan and other Civil Society Organizations working for the promotion of culture can offer their expertise in formulating policy guidelines, advocate for the relevant legislation and coordinate with the concerned department in the implementation process.

 Dated: 04/01/2014

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CELEBRATING A PASHTUN LEGEND

Saturday, December 28, 2013 posted by: Super User

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The year 2014 marks 100 years of the birth of the legendary Pashtun poet Khan Abudl Ghani Khan. Peace loving Pashtuns from Pakistan, Afghanistan and across the globe are celebrating this year to pay tribute to the great Pashtun genius. Different events have been planned in different parts of the world in which the life and works of Ghani Khan would be highlighted and his relevance for peace propagated.

The Center for Peace and Culture Studies Peshawar (CPCSP) intends to publish a compilation of research papers, articles, photos and arts works about Ghani Khan. Writers, critics and artists are invited to catch the ethos and express their take on Ghani Khan (in English) for a wider international audience.

Life and Works of Ghani Khan

Khan Abdul Ghani Khan, commonly known as Ghani Khan was born in 1914 into the family of the 20^th century iconic Pashtun leader Khan Abdul Ghafar Khan. After receiving his early education in his native town Utmanzai in Charsadda district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa he was sent to Europe and then the US for higher studies. In US he studied sugar technology which earned him a job back home in 1933. He had also studied painting, sculptures, Asian philosophy, literature and arts in India.

Before the partition of India he was closely associated with the non-violent Khudai Khimatar (Red Shirt) movement initiated by his father. He remained active in politics for some time but finally retired and devoted himself to arts and poetry.

His prose writings include and English work The Pathan (1958), a critical exposition of the life style of Pashtuns and their customs and traditions and an Urdu book on his father Khan Sahib (1995). May of his humours are also published in Pashto.

His first poetry publication was Da Panjray Chaghar (1956) which is a collection of his poems. His other books Palawahy and Panoos were published later on in which he had added new poetry to his early publications. His collected works published are Kuliyat (1985) and Latoon (1995).

In addition to poetry Ghani Khan had also created paintings and sculptors of higher aesthetic value. In recognition to his invaluable contributions the Government of Pakistan has awarded him Sitara-e-Imtiaz and an official monument and museum has been build near his hometown. Ghani Khan died in 1996 and was buried in Utmanzai Charsadda.

Importance of Ghani Khan

It is not possible to sum up the versatile genius of Khan Abudl Ghani Khan in few words. Once entered into the vast sea of his artistic mind it is not very easy to come out. You find yourself without any shores. The rhythmic tides of his creative impulses play with you. The underlying logic of his thoughts forces you to plunge deep into the waters and explore more. The romance entices you, giving you the impression of illusions after illusions and you are almost lost.

The appeal of Ghani Khan poetic genius is far greater than other traits of his dynamic personality such as his political struggle, his professional career as an engineer, his prose or his paintings and sculptures. His poetry is so powerful and meaningful that even an adamant Pashtun youth could hardly remain uninfluenced. This may be due to his deeper understanding of Pashtun culture which might have enabled him to override local myths, taboos, religious authority and such other things and thus he was able to create poetry of higher aesthetic value for a people who desperately needed it. That is why a part of Ghani Khan lives in almost all peace loving Pashtuns. His poetry would hold this appeal as long as Pashtuns survive as a culturally homogenous group.

But more important than his local appeal is the freshness of his thoughts for a wider international audience. His thoughts are being shaped by diverse regional and international influences and when these influences interact with the grooming of a genius in the typical Pashtun culture, it creates and represents something that transcends time and place. Thus the beauty of his artistic genius has a universal value for a much wider audience.

Muhammad Arif Khan is the Executive Director of the Center for Peace & Cultural Studies, Peshawar. He can be reached at cpcspeshawar@gmail.com

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A POEM FOR MALALA YOUSAFZAI

A POEM FOR MALALA YOUSAFZAI

Friday, December 27, 2013 posted by: Super User

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O’ the master of Guns!
Listen to us.
We, the people from the hills,
Live in mud houses,
But we love the very concept of love.
We have peaceful desires
As we cultivate flowers
As we understand the spring.

Though eaten up by the grief
Our heart never lose faith in happiness
Because we have our elders
Who like the blue canopy above,
Never abandon us
Like the true spirit of Bacha Khan

We were once the master of our distiny
In the very heart of Asia
We were the great rulers
With our own blood
We made friends with life

You tried to prove us terrorists
You tried to prove us animals
But'
Our single song
Our one slogan for peace
Our one Malala
Defeated your guns

- Shaheen Buneri

- Translated by: Muhammad Arif from Pashto

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